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■ 2£. 

A Book of Fad:s and Figures 




— Frederick Douglass. 






^ h 3-35 7 

The purpose of this little book is to present in concise and portable form a few 
facts and figures concerning the Afro-American and his relation to the two great 
political parties of the country. 

The word "two" is used advisedly, for the present one-man party has no past 
and will have no future. With his elimination in November it will disappear. 

It is, of course impossible to tell the whole story in a mere pamphlet, but 
enough is given to show that the Eepublican party from its inception has been the 
friend of the race and that all helpful legislation has been the work of that party; 
that the Democratic party has ever been the enemy of the Afro- American people and 
the author of all legislation inimical to the race, from the infamous Black Codes 
of 1865 to the disfranchising Southern Constitutions and jim-crow laws of the 
present decade. 

Quotations from leading men and newspapers of both parties clearly show the 
friendly attitude of the Eepublicans and the hostile attitude of the Democrats 
toward the Afro-Americans. 

The tables showing the number of Afro-Americans serving under the Federal 
Government will be a revelation to the majority of the people. They represent 
careful research and extensive correspondence and are accurate so far as they go, 
but are not complete, as returns are still coming in from all parts of the country. 
The true figures would be much larger than those given. 

It is a remarkable fact that the number of Afro-American government employees 
has increased 60 per cent in the three and one-half years of the Taft Administration 
and the aggregate annual pay has increased from $8,000,000 in 1908 to nearly 
$12,500,000 in 1912, an increase of 55 per cent. Verily the Taft Administration 
stands for a square deal in deeds, not words. 

The book contains the portraits of twenty Afro-Americans who have been honored 
by the Eepublican party, by appointments to high places in the Government service 
by Eepublican presidents. This in itself is an object lesson of the interest of the 
Eepublican party in the Afro- American people. 

Herein is presented in plain facts and figures, what the Eepublican party has 
accomplished for the Afro-American. The record of the Democratic party is also 
given, which proves that its succession to the control of the National Government 
would be a menace to the civil and political rights of the race. 

The action of Theodore Eoosevelt in barring Southern Afro-American delegates 
from his convention at Chicago, is virtually a stand in favor of the repeal of the 
Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and makes the support of the Bull Moose 
Party by the race, impossible. 

The i of 

ton, D, C, 


The real cause of the great civil war was the desire for the extension and 
perpetuation of that great blot upon the escutcheon of our country, human slavery. 

Prior to .the adveut of Abraham Lincoln and the Eepublican party, about 
4,000,000 Afro- Americans were held in bondage in the Southern States then as now con- 
trolled by the Democrats and when the Kepublican party elected Abraham Lincoln 
President, thus setting the stamp of disapproval upon the Democratic desires, these 
Democratic Southern states seceded from the Union and attempted to set up a 
confederacy with human slavery as the chief corner stone. 

The Eepublican party determined that the confederacy should be destroyed, 
that the Union should be preserved; and true to its principles and in keeping with 
his own declarations the Great Emancipator struck the shackles from the limbs of 
the bondmen. 

Following the freedom of the slaves, came their enlistment in the army and navy 
of the Union, and by this act the names of nearly 200,000 Afro- Americans were added 
to the honor roll of those who fought for their country in the civil war. 

The leaders of the Eepublican party, ■ feeling that their work was far from 
completion, framed and passed the thirteenth, fourteenth and fifteenth amendments 
to the Federal Constitution, and the states ratified their action, thus making 
slavery impossible and confirming the civil and political rights of the Afro- 
American people. 

Clothed by the Eepublican party with the right to vote, is it surprising that 
thejse newly made citizens voted with the party which had taken them from their 
for(mer position as mere chattels and made them citizens of the great Eepublic? 

Through the Eepublican party, Douglass, Bruce, Langston, Dunn, Pinchback, 
Eainey, Eevels, Lewis, Delaney, Smalls and scores of other national characters many 
o f them former slaves, rose to eminence impossible without its aid in the period 
following the slaveholders' rebellion, and in the present day the Eepublican party has 
giv^en many Afro- Americans political prominence and recognition which they can 
obtain from no other party. The Democratic party has never produced any really 
great Afro-Americans. 

/ The Eepublican party stands firmly against disfranchisement. No State con- 
trolled by Eepublicans has disfranchised the Afro-American. 

j The Eepublican party has taken a firm stand against jimcrow legislation and no 
Stjjite controlled by Eepublicans has ever passed a jimcrow or segregation law. 

j In the matter of public education the difference between the two parties is 
marked. In the North, where the Eepublicans generally control, education among 
the colored people is widely diffused, while in the Democratic South the percentage 
of illiteracy is great. The Democratic legislators fail to provide equal school facilities 
for the two races, and in several states the facilities, already meagre, have been 
recently materially reduced. In Louisiana no Afro-American child receives public 
instruction above the fifth grade, and there is a general movement throughout the 
Southern Democratic States to confine the education of the Afro-American children 
to the lower grades. The mot^ement to divide the school money between whites and 
Afro- Americans in proportion to - their contributions in taxes to the school fund 
arises in one Democratic Southern State after another, the purpose of which is to 
perpetuate Afro-American illiteracy. 

The Eepublican party believes that' the door of hope and opportunity should 
not be closed against any man, and this is especially evidenced by the fact that 
more than 22,000 Afro-Americans are in the service of the Government, drawing 
salaries aggregating nearly $12,500,000 per annum. 

I There can be no question in the mind of any honorable, right thinking, sane 
Afro-American as to which party he should support in this campaign. No truer 
sentiment has ever been uttered than that of the great Douglass, when he said: 



President op the United States. 


The Kepublican party made no mistake when William Howard Taft was renomi- 
nated for the Presidency. 

,. He deserves reelection because of the great achievements of his administra- 
tion. He has shown sober judgment and broad statesmanship. 

He is a man of the people, his public record is clean and he stands for policies 
which mean the continued progress of the Nation. 

The Afro-Americans of the United States have a friend in Mr. Taft. He 
has shown his interest in so many ways. He inherited his open sympathy for the 
race from his father, Judge Alphonso Taft, than whom the Afro-American never 
had a better friend. 

President Taft stands for the enforcement of the War Amendments. He says 
he believes "that equal justice to all men and the fair and impartial enforcement of 
these amendments are in keeping with the real American spirit of fair play. ' ' 

President Taft gave his active support to the Maryland Eepublicans when they 
were opposing the attempts of the Democrats in that State to disfranchise the Afro- 
American citizens, and some credit for the defeat of the nefarious scheme should be 
accorded to him. 

^President Taft has vigorously denounced lynching. In many public utterances 
he has called it cowardly murder. In a recent address he said that "the men en- 
gaged in pulling the rope, under those conditions shall themselves swing by the rope. ' ' 

President Taft has done much toward obliterating the foul practice of peonage 
or involuntary slavery so common in the Southern Democratic States. 

President Taft stands for the higher education of the Afro- American. He has 
given Howard University his enthusiastic personal and official support. He has 
publicly stated his belief that higher education is essential to the full development 
of the race. 

Afew years ago Mr. Taft was appointed a trustee of the Jeannes fund for the 
education of the poor Afro-Americans in the country districts of the South, and his 
acceptance of the trust is an evidence of his sympathy for the poor and downtrodden. 
He is also one of the trustees of Hampton Institute, which is devoted to the education 
of the head, heart and hand. 

President Taft has paid high tribute to the Afro-American people for the great 
progress made m education and industry and has lauded the high ideals of the race. 

f + J°v,- P r S l de « T^ 1111 ^.^ ^ ven credit for having appointed an Afro- American 
to the highest office yet attained by one of the race. He did an unprecedented thing 
wnen he named a colored man as Assistant Attorney General of the United States. 

There are more Afro- Americans in the public service under President Taft than 
ever before in the history of the country. The increase since 1908, according to the 
figures given out at that time, has been about 60 per cent, and there are 
now m round numbers about twenty-two thousand colored men in the service of the 
United States Government and their annual salaries aggregate nearly $12,500,000. 
< President Taft has given a number of Afro-Americans good places under the 
civil service by executive order specifying in one case that it was done because the 
race did not have proper representation in the State. 

President Taft has in many public utterances expressed his deep sympathv for 
the soul sufferings of the Afro-American people. y 

Addressing an immense audience some years ago. Mr. Taft said: 
< 'I am fully alive to the heart pangs that a colored man endures when suffering 
from the contemptuous insults of white men not at all his equal, either in point 
of intelligence or devotion to duty. I know the sense of injustice that has often- 
times burned itself into his breast when he realizes that his rights have been 
trampled upon^ and his claims to fair treatment rejected solely because of the 

Vice-President op the United States. 


James Schoolcraft Sherman, who has been renominated for Vice President of the 
United States, is by profession a lawyer. 

A graduate of Hamilton College, near his home at Utica, N. Y., in 1878, he 
received the degree of doctor of laws from that institution. He was admitted to 
the bar two years after graduation, practiced in his native city and was elected 
mayor of Utica in 1884. 

He was elected to Congress in 1887 and except an interval of two years— 1891 
and 1893 — was continuously re-elected up to 1908, when he was elected Vice Presi- 
dent of the United States. His record in office is a good one. 

Mr. Sherman has been a consistant friend of the Afro-American ever since 
his entrance into public life, and in his public utterances he has made many strong 
pleas for the advancement of the race along all lines of human endeavor. 

Vice President Sherman was formally notified of his renomination at his home 
in Utica, N. Y., on August 21. In accepting the vice-presidential nomination Mr. 
Sherman said, in part: 

"Our party has never before conferred, a second nomination for the office of 
Vice President upon any man. This distinction was not sought by me, but unsolicited, 
it is the more appreciated. As a loyal republican I stand squarely upon the party 
platform. I approve of the admirable statement of republican principles and 
achievements made in the address accepting the nomination for President by 
William Howard Taft. Upon that platform and associated with President Taft, I 
gratefully accept the re-nomination. 

"Our opponents are divided into two camps, rivaling each other in their efforts 
to excel in disturbing the civic and economic order of the country. The new party 
thrusts itself forward into the vacuum left by the phantoms of other third parties 
which have passed into oblivion. Oblivion, too awaits it. The democratic party in 
the nation has many times defeated its republican rival in August; but twice has it 
done so in November. ' ' 

"We ask that the republican party and its candidate be tried upon the record 
of service and accomplishments. We near the end of President Taft's first term of 
service with our government at amity with all foreign powers, amid domestic tran- 
quility and with our people blessed by prosperity and abundance; our navy among 
the foremost of the world; our army in a high degree of excellence; our postal 
service, for the first time in its history, self-sustaining; the colossal dream of the 
centuries, an isthmian canal, almost a completed reality; our foreign and domestic 
commerce in a condition of activity, vigor and health, meeting the desires of the 
most optimistic, and every department of the government rendering proper and 
efficient aid to law-abiding citizens in every calling. Confident that the American 
people are not yet willing to destroy and discard the Constitution which has stood 
the test of more than a century, that they have not yet forgotten the direful result 
of the mistake of 1892, we calmly await the ides of November." 

In his speech accepting the Eepublican nomination for the Vice Presidency in 
1908; Mr. Sherman said: 

"As a Nation our duty compels that by every constitutional and reasonable 
means the material and educational condition of the colored race be advanced. 
This we owe to ourselves as well as to them. As the result of a course of events that 
can never be reversed, they are a part of our civilization; their prosperity is our 
prosperity their debasement would be our misfortune. 

"The Eepublican party, therefore, will offer every encouragement to the thrift, 
industry and intelligence that will better their prospect of higher attainment. ' ' 

I emphasize as my party's creed and my faith that in legislation and adminis- 
tration favor should be extended to no class, no sect, no race. To foster class hatred, 
to foster discontent, is un-Eepublican and un-American. Our party stands on the 
declaration that all men are created with equal rights, and it will have no part in 
the enactment or execution of any law that does not apply alike to all good Ameri- 
can citizens. 

Under the Taft Administration there are 22,000 Afro-Americans in the public 
service of the country and they receive nearly $12,500,000 in salaries annually. 

The Afro-Americans will never be beguiled by the smooth talk of the Demo- 
cratic spellbinders. 


Reaffirms the Intention of the Republican Party to Uphold the Courts. Con- 
demns Lynching and Lawlessness of Every Kind. 

' ' The Eepublican party reaffirms its intention to uphold the integrity of the 
courts, both State and Federal, and it will ever insist that their powers to enforce 
their processes and to protect life, liberty and property shall be preserved inviolate. " 

' ' We call upon the people to quicken their interest in public affairs, to condemn 
and punish lynchings and other forms of lawlessness, and to strengthen in all possible 
ways a respect for law and an observance of it." 

Everything which benefits the American people as a whole must necessarily benefit 
the Afro-American as well as all other classes which make up the composite American 
citizenship and all of the policies of the Eepublican party as formulated in the plat- 
form adopted at Chicago mean much for the average American. There are, however, 
two planks, as given above, which are of great importance to the colored man, although 
they are not race planks, but because the race suffers many injustices through the 
inability or failure of the courts to protect life, liberty and property and also because 
Afro- Americans are in the majority of instances the helpless victims of the lynchings 
which disgrace our country. 


On August 1, President Taft was formally notified of his selection, by the 
Eepublican National Convention, which met in Chicago, Illinois, June 18-22, as the 
regular Eepublican nominee for President. The ceremonies took place in the East 
Eoom of the White House in the presence of about three hundred of the most 
prominent Eepublicans in the country. A number of Afro-Americans were among 
those present as guests. At the conclusion of the programme an imformal -reception 
was held, after which all of the guests were entertained at luncheon by President 
and Mrs. Taft. Senator Elihu Eoot made the notification address. 

Extracts from President Tafts Speech of Acceptance. 

' ' The Eepublican Party stands for the Constitution as it is, with such amend- 
ments adopted according to its provisions as new conditions thoroughly 
understood may require. We believe that it has stood the test of time and that there 
have been disclosed really no serious defects in its operation. It is said that this is 
not an issue in the campaign. It seems to me it is the supreme issue. 

' ' Votes are not bread, constitutional amendments are not work, ref erendums do 
not pay rent or furnish houses, recalls do not furnish clothing, initiatives do not 
supply employment or relieve inequalities of condition or of opportunity. 

"We do not know any way to avoid human injustice but to perfect our laws for 
administering justice, to develop the morality of the individual, to give direct super- 
vision and aid to those who are, and are likely to be, oppressed, and to give as full 
scope as possible to individual effort and its reward. 

The Eepublican Party is the nucleus of that public opinion which favors constant 
progress and development along safe and sane lines and under the Constitution, as 
we have had it for more than one hundred years, and which believes in the main- 
tenance of an independent judiciary as the keystone of our liberties. 

"The great majority of voters will be able to distinguish between the substance 
of performance and the mere fustian of promise; they will be able to see that those 
who would deliberately stir up discontent and create hostility toward those who are 
conducting legitimate enterprises and who represent the business progress of the 
country are sowing dragon's teeth. " 

May we not expect in the issues which are now before us that the ballots cast 
in November shall show a prevailing majority in favor of sound progress, great 
prosperity upon a protective baisis, and under true constitutional and representa- 
tive rule by the people? 



Chairman Charles D. Hilles of the Republican National Committee Sounds the 
Keynote of the Presidential Campaign. 

"The Eepublican party approaches the Presidential campaign with confidence 
iD the solemnity of its course and in the integrity and ability of the candidates who 
represent that cause. Progress with order is good doctrine for the Eepublican party 
to day, as it has been since the day of its birth. 

1 ' Eeal progress is not a theory but an achievement. No American citizen should 
be deceived into an exchange of his birthright for a vision. The progress of the 
nation toward better things does not come from declamation, but from actual results. 
More has been accomplished in the last three years under the administration of 
President Taft than was ever before accomplished by an American President in the 
same period of time. 

"A distinct line of demarcation' between the Republican party and the Dem- 
cratic party is revealed in the platforms adopted at Chicago and Baltimore. Oup 
is an earnest of future progress through a record of achievement; the other is a 
promise containing a denial of the good that has been done. 

"Upon the solid rock of the rights of the individual as granted by the Con- 
stitution, the Eepublican party builds its structure of optimisn. The Democratic 
party, on the other hand, in the opening sentence of its address to the electorate, 
betrays its recessional quality by denying the ri^ht of Conpress, a ripht a^ain and 
again confirmed by the Supreme Court, to establish protective duties for the benefit 
of American industries. It declares as false the vital issue of the constitutional 
libeitjes of the individual. Such liberties are now assailed by those who advocate 
the overthrow of the independence of the judiciary. It would leave the individual 
defenseless in the protection of those rights declared inalienable under the Consti- 
tution. "---Statement of Hon. Charles D. Hilles, on July 10, 1912, when he accepted 
the Chairmanship of the Eepublican National Committee. 


The Southern States were re-admitted to the Union in 1868, after the Civil "War, 
and it was expressly provided that no state should ever abridge the right of any voter. 

The Act passed July 28, 1868, was as follows: 

"That each of the states of North Carolina, South Carolina, Louisiana, Georgia, 
Alabama, and Florida, shall be entitled and admitted to representation in Congress 
as a state of the Union when the legislature of such state shall have duly ratified 
the amendments to the Constitution of the United States proposed by the 39th Con- 
gress, known as Article 14, upon the following fundamental conditions: That the 
Constitution of neither of said states shall be so amended or changed as to deprive 
any citizen or class of citizens of the United States of the right to vote in said state, 
who are entitled to vote by the Constitution thereof, herein recognized, except for the 
punishment of such crimes as are now felonies at common law, whereof they shall 
have been convicted under laws equally applicable to the inhabitants of all the States. ' ' 

Several of the States named have passed laws restricting the right of suffrage 
and in every Southern state the laws are administered in such a way as to debar 
thousands of men from exercising their rights as citizens, because their skins are 
black. This is not only acknowledged but approved by Bryan, Hoke Smith, Vardaman, 
Tillman, Donaghey and other Democratic leaders. 

The Southern States were re-admitted to the Union on the fundamental condition 
that they would never amend or change their Constitutions so as to deprive any citizen 
or class of citizens of the United States of the right to vote. 

It was a sacred obligation. Have they kept it? Can the Democrats who have 
deliberately broken their promises be trusted? 

The election of Woodrow Wilson, Southern born and Southern bred, his mind 
filled with Southern Democratic traditions, can bring no possible good to the Afro 
American. "Let us hold fast to that which we know is good." 

The progress of the Afro-American people in 50 years of freedom has been 

greater than that of any other race, similarly environed, recorded in history. A 

great deal of this progress should be credited to the Republican party. 
e<*« ■ 9 


Gems of Rhetoric and Oratory From the Pens and Tongues of Great Republi- 
cans of the Country in Favor of the Race. 

Vile Utterances of Some Democrats which Show that the Ascendency of the 
Democratic Party Would be a Menace to the Race. 


Gems from President Taft. 

"I am fully alive to the heart pangs 
that a colored man endures when suffer- 
ing from the contemptuous insults of 
white men not at all his equal, either 
in point of intelligence or devotion to 
duty. I know the sense of injustice that 
has often times burned itself into his 
breast when he realizes that his rights 
have been trampled upon and his claims 
to fair treatment rejected solely because 
of the color of his skin. — Speech of Mr. 
Taft before A. M. E. Conference, Cin- 
cinnati, 1908. 


''I believe in the higher education of 
the Negro so that the leaders of the Ne- 
gro race may have high ideals, and I be- 
lieve they have. I believe that they sub- 
scribe, as perhaps some others in our 
community life do not, to the majesty 
of the law and have respect for consti- 
tuted authority." (Hearty applause.) — 
President at Howard University Meeting. 

"I want to add that I always want to 

say hefore an Afro-American audience 

that you are Americans. The idea of 

transplanting you is utterly absurd. The 

only Hag you know is the Stars and 

Stripes, and you are of a race that has 

given up their lives and moistened the 

ground with their blood in defense of 

that flag, and will continue to do so." — 

Address of President Taft at Y. M. C. A., 

Augusta. C.a. 

** * * * * * 

•I know the burdens you have to bear. 
1 can understand the disadvantages under 

which you labor. I know of your suitor- 
mental and otherwise, and humilia- 
l .an understand what they are 
and how hard they are to bear, but I 
want you to know that there are a lot 
of good people in this world, who sym- 
pathize deeply with you and are anxious 
to help yon in your hard course." — 

From speech of President Taft at (Jeor 

gia Industrial School, Savannah, Ga.. May 
1. 1912. 


Intelligent Negro Disturbing Influ- 

' ' The uneducated Negro is a good 
Negro; he is contented to occupy the 
natural status of his race, the position of 
inferiority. The educated and intelli- 
gent Negro, who wants to vote, is a dis- 
turbing and threatening influence. We 
don't want him down here; let him go 
North. I favor, and if elected will urge 
with all my power, the elimination of the 
Negro from politics. ' ' — Hoke Smith, 
United States Senator from Georgia. 

"Turn the African Tree Climbers 

Go down to the Pension Office and take 
out the Africans. Then go down to the 
War and Navy Building and take those 
black sons of the cocoanut region, who sit 
there with big brown drops of sweat 
coming out of their foreheads, kick them 
out * * * turn this brood of Afri- 
can tree climbers out to earn a living on 
the farms and in the fields. — Congressman 
Roddenbery (Democrat) of Georgia, in a 
speech in House of Representatives, 
April 10, 1912. 

Will Never Agree That Races are 

"Every Negro must understand here, 
now, right off, once and forever, that 
the Southern people will never, even for 
an instant agree that the black race is 
qual of the white." — New Orleans 

Granting Suffrage a Crime 


' ' The granting of the right of suf- 
frage to the Negroes, en masse, was a 
crime and blunder. Take away the suf- 
frage from the Negro as it is disallowed 
to other of our 'colored' citizens." — 
Bishop T. F. Gailor, of Tennessee. 


"Dishonor Him is to Dishonor the 
Republic Itself." 

' ' Ceasing to be a slave, the former vic- 
tim has become not only a man but a citi- 
zen, admitted alike within the pale of hu- 
manity and within the pale of citizenship. 
As a man he is entitled to all the rights 
of man, as a citizen he becomes a mem- 
ber of our common household, with equal- 
ity as the prevailing law. No longer an 
African, he is an American; no longer 
a slave, he is common part of a Repub- 
lic, owing to it patriotic allegiance in 
return for protection of equal laws. In- 
sult him is to insult an American citizen. 
Dishonor him is to dishonor the Ee- 
public itself. Our rights are his rights; 
our equality his equality; our privileges 
and immunities are his great freehold." 
— Chaeles Sumner. 

Inspired by Lincoln's Tomb. 

"I am glad to be at the home of the 
martyred President. His name is an 
inspiration and a holy one to all lovers 
of liberty the world over. He saved the 
Union. He liberated a race — a race 
which he once said ought to be free be- 
cause there might come a time when these 
black men could keep the jewel of liberty 
within the family of freedom. If any 
vindication of that act or of that pro- 
phecy were needed, it was found when 
those brave black men ascended the hill 
at San Juan in Cuba and charged the 
enemy at El Caney (great applause). 
They vindicated their own title to lib- 
erty on that field and with our other 
brave soldiers gave the priceless gift of 
liberty to another suffering race." 
President McKinley at .Lincoln's tomb, 
Springfield, Illinois, October 15, 1898. 

Efforts to Degrade Must Be Fought. 

' ' The time is ripe for serving notice od. 
the country that further efforts in any 
section of the land to degrade the Afro- 
American to a servile position; to create 
that impossible thing, a Republic with 
millio3|S of persons taxed but not repre- 
sented] shall be fought from now on. 
Leave the murdering in cold blood to 
the race that proudjjf calls itself superior, 
the better civilized. r ' — Osvrald Garrison 
Villard, Editor New York Evening Post. 

If Necessary Every Negro Will be 

"How is the white man going to con- 
trol the government? The way we do it 
is to pass laws to fit the white man and 
make the other people (Negroes) come to 
them. * * * If it is necessary every 
Negro in the state will be lynched; it 
will be done to maintain white supre- 
macy. * * * The Fifteenth Amend- 
ment ought to be wiped out. We all 
agree on that; then why don't we do it? 
— Ex-Governor James K. Vardaman of 
Mississippi, now U. S. Senator-elect. 

Senator Tillman's Boast. 

"I know nothing about other states, 
but I acknowledge openly and boldly in 
the sight of God that we did our level 
best to keep every Negro in our state 
from voting. We stuffed ballot boxes, 
we shot Negroes; we are not ashamed of 
it. ; ; — Senator Tillman in the United 
States Senate. 

Bryan on "Brotherhood. 

"The white man in thr d South has dis- 
franchised the negro i T Jt self -protection ; 
and there is not a "Republican in the 
North who would not have done the same 
thing under the sarnie circumstances. The 
white men of the South are determined 
that the negro w.'ill and shall be disfran- 
chised everywhere it is necessary to pre- 
vent the recurrence of the horrors of 
carpetbag role. ; ' — William Jennings Bry- 
an in speech at New York in 1908. 

Determined to Nullify Amendments. 
"Thpj white people of the Southern 
states where the Negroes constitute a 
large proportion of the population are 
determined to nullify the 14th amend- 
ment to the Constitution of the United. 
States so far as tney can. White people 
of the South are going to rule without 
regard to numbers or Federal laws. They 
are the superior race, the only race that 
is fit to control the government of any 
country, whether it be the United States, 
the Philippines, the West Indies or 
Africa itself. ' ' — Memphis Democratic 
Daily Paper. 


"Mississippi is governed by white men 
although the majority of the population 
is composed of Negroes. The Negro 
cuts no figure in our politics. — Ex-Gov- 
ernor Noel of Mississippi. 


In Round Numbers There are More Than 22.000 Afro-Americans in the Service 

of the United States Government and Their Annual Salaries 

Aggregate Nearly $12,500/200. 

The statement has been made that there are fewer Afro- Americans in the service 
of the Government under President Taft than under previous Kepublican administra- 
tions. The facts refute the statement. On July l, 1912, there were more Afro-Ameri- 
cans in the service of the United States Government under the Taft Administration 
~ver before in the history of the country. That their official positions and occu- 
pations are many and varied is shown by the following list of official designations : 

Assistant Attorney General,, agent in tick eradication, agricultural agents, anaes- 
thetist, architects, army paymaster's clerk, artisans, assistant director of domestic 
art, assistant director of domestic science, assistant director of kindergartens, assistant 
director of music, assistant director of physical culture, assistant director of primary 
instruction, doorkeeper, assistant engineers, assistant keeper of scales, assistant libra- 
rian, assistant messenger, assistant nurses, assistant pharmacy tant post masters. 
assistant superintendent of construction, assistant superintendent of nurses, assistant 
superintendent of schools, assistant weighers, attendants, assistant surgeon-in-chief, 
attendance officer, attorneys, auditor for the navy, bailiff, blacksmith foremen, boatmen 
bookbinders, bookkeepers, captain, carriage drivers, caster helpers, cashiers, cement fin- 
isher, chaplains, charwomen, chief messenger, chief musicians, chiefs of divisions, clean 
ers, cle-ks, coal passers, collaborators, collectors of customs, collectors of internal reve- 
nue, consul, consular agents, consul general, cook, counters, counter in charge, custo- 
.dians, custodian 01 presses, darners, dental inspectors, deputies, deputy collectors of 
cus^jns, deputy collectors of internal revenue, deputy stamp clerk, deputy United 
States marshals, director of domestic art, director of domestic science, director of 
kindergarten,- director of music, director of physical culture, director of primary 
instruction, district attorney, domestics, draughtsmen, electrotype molder 's apprentice, 
elevator conductors, engineers, envoy extraordinary and minister plenipotentiary. 
examiner, examiners of merchandise, farm demonstrators, farmers, fireman helpers, 
firemen, floor hands), folders, foreman brick burner, foreman brick mason, freight 
handler, gaugers, guards, head cooks, heads of departments, first lieutenants, head 
waiter, helpers, orderlies, hydraulic presser, immigrant inspectors, imposers, 
ink carrier, inspectors od customs, janitors, keeper of scales, laboratory assistants, 
laborers laundresses. launcTrymen, letter carriers, lieutenant colonel, machine operators, 
maids, major, medical inspector, messengers, messenger boys, mimeograph operators, 
minister resident and consul general, monotype operators, musicians, night inspectors, 
night supervisor of nurses, nurses, oilers, operatives, packers, painters, patent exam- 
iners, pharmacist, pay clerks. plVimber. policemen, press cleaners, press feeders, press- 
men, private secretaries, principal's of high schools, private secretary to congressman, 
pulp macerator. principal of normal! school, principals of public schools, railway postal 
clerks, receivers of public moneys, recorder of deeds, registers of land offices, register 
of the treasury, revenue agents, rural carriers, samplers, seamstresses, second cook, 
sewers, shippers, secretary of legation, skilled laborers, special agents, special assistant 
attorneys, stablemen, stenographers, stewards, storekeepeer, substitute carriers, sub- 
stitute 'clerks, sugar samplers, superintendents, superintendent of carriers, superin- 
tendents of construction, superintendent of home school, supervisor of Indian schools, 
supervising principals of schools, teachers, teamsters, third cook, timekeepers, trans- 
lators, typewriters, van drivers, vice consul, vice consul general, vice and deputy consul 
and clerk, wagon drivers, wagon messengers, waiters, waste paper snorters, watchmen 
weighers, wrappers. 

The highest salary paid an Afro- American is received by the Envoy Extraordi- 
nary and Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States to Haiti, whose salary is 
$10*000 per annum. A number of government officials receive from $2,500 to $5,000 
per year. Clerks are paid from $900 to $1,800. 

According to the figures given out in 1908, there were 13,978 Afro-Americans in 
the service of the Federal Government and their annual salaries aggregated $8,032,355. 
As the number of Afro-Americans now in the Government service is 22.440 and their 
aggregate annual salaries 812,456,760 it is evident thai there has been an increase 
of more tharj 60 per cent in thp number of Afro- Americans employed and an in- 
crease of 55 per cent in the amount of salaries received under the Administration 

„f president Taft. 

Afro- American officers, clerks, and other employees in the service of the United States 

Government, September 1, 1912. 

The White House 

Departmental Service, Washington, D. C. : 





Post Office 




Commerce and Labor 

Washington Navy Yard 

Government Printing Office 

Interstate Commerce Commission 

United States Senate, including Office Building 

Library of Congress 

Washington, D. C, City Post Office 

District of Columbia Government, including unskilled la- 


Departmental Service at large: 

State (Diplomatic and Consular) 



Post Office 



Commerce and Labor 

United States Army, officers 

United States Army, enlisted men 

United States Navy, enlisted men 

United States Navy, yards and stations 

Miscellaneous, including unclassified 


Recapitulation by localities: 

Foreign Stations (Diplomatic and ConsuI ar ) 

Washington, D. C . 

New York City 

Chicago, Illinois ./ 

Boston, Mass ....... 

Cincinnati, Ohio 

Richmond, Virginia 

Jackson, Mississippi 

Mobile, Alabama ' 

Indianapolis, Indiana 

St. Louis, Missouri [\ '.'.'.'.'. 

Louisville, Kentucky 

At miscellaneous points. 












































































Some Afro- Americans Who Have been Honored by the Republican Party; 
Appointed, Recommended or Retained by the President. 

William H. Lewis, Assistant Attorney General, Washington, D. C. 

J. C. Napier, Eegister of the Treasury, Washington, D. G. 

Charles W. Anderson, Collector of Internal Eevenue, New York, N. Y. 

Henry Lincoln Johnson, Kecorder of Deeds, Washington, D. C. 

Ralph W. Tyler, Auditor for the Navy, Washington, D. C. 

C. F. Adams, Assistant Register of the Treasury, Washington, D. C. 

Robert H. Terrell, Judge Municipal Court, Washington, D. C. 

Joseph E. Lee, Collector of Internal Revenue, Jacksonville, Fla. 

N. W. Alexander, Register of Land Office, Montgomery, Ala. 

John E. Bush, Receiver of Public Moneys, Little Rock, Ark. 

Whitefiell McKinlay, Collector of Customs, Washington, D. C. 

Charles A. Cottrill, Collector of Internal Revenue, Honolulu, Hawaii. 

T. V. McAllister, Receiver of Public Moneys, Jackson, Miss. 

S. L. Williams, Special Assistant District Attorney, Chicago, 111. 

Gen. Robert Smalls, Collector of Customs, Beaufort, S. C. 

James A. Cobb, Special Assistant District Attorney, Washington, D. C. 

Isaiah J. McCottrie, Collector of Customs, Georgetown, S. C. 

John M. Holzendorf, Collector of Customs, St. Mary's, Ga. 

Mary C. Booze, Postmaster, Mound Bayou, Miss. 

W. C. Matthews, Special Assistant District Attorney, Boston, Mass. 

George A. Reed, Postmaster, Beaufort, S. C. 

W. D. Johnson, Agent in Tick Eradication, Department of Agriculture. 

J. B. Washington, Postmaster, Tuskegee Institute, Alabama. 

William L. Jones, Postmaster, Boley, Oklahoma. 

W. T. Vernon, Supervisor of Indian Schools. M. Alexander, Deputy Collector Internal Revenue, Los Angeles, California. 

P. B. &. Pinchback, Revenue Agent, New York City. 

Assistant Attorney General. 

To President Tait must be given the credit for having appointed an Afro- 
American to the highest appointive office ever held by one of the race. When he 
named Hon. William H. Lewis of Massachusetts as Assistant Attorney General, Mr. 
Taf t did an unprecedented thing as this is a near-cabinet position. Mr. Lewis ' com- 
mission is dated March 27, l9H. He was assigned by Attorney General Wickersham 
to Indian Depredation Claims. 

A summary of the report of the Assistant Attorney General Lewis in charge of 
Indian depredation claims, is as fellows: 
Total Nnmber of cases filed 10,841. 

Amount claimed $43,515,867.06 

Cases reduced to judgment 9,676. 

Amount claimed in such cases. $38,764,027.25 

Cases reinstated since Nov. 1, 1910 36. 

Amount claimed in such cases $134,564.44 

Judgments for claimants from Nov. 1, 19l0 to Nov. 1, 1911 46. 

Amount claimed ; $274,120.44 

Amount of judgments for claimants. $45,864.00 

Judgments for defendants from Nov. 1, 1910 to Nov - h 1911 170. 

Amount claimed $674,792.84 

Number of cases now pending 1,165. 

Amount Claimed : $4,751,839.81 

The above statement shows that since the dav. e of the last annual report, 216 
cases have been decided by the court, the total amt" int claimed in such cases being 
$948,913.28. The claimants recovered judgments in 46 cases, the amount clafmed 
being $274,120.44 and the amount awarded them bein? $45,864._ In 170 cases the 
'judgments were in favor of the defendants, the amount' claimed in such eases being 



Race Fares Well under Administration of President Taft. Place of Custodian 

Created for Major Arthur Brooks, N. G. D. C. Twenty-seven Colored 

Employees Receive about $20,000 in Salaries Annually. 

When Mr. Taft became president, March 4, 1909, there were six colored mes- 
sengers and laborers employed in the Executive Office. In the reorganization of the 
office in 1911, two were transferred to positions in the Departmental service. One was 
afflicted with tuberculosis and the President had him transferred to a good position in 
the War Department in New Mexico on advice of his physician. Since the President 's 
inauguration three colored employees have been added: Major Arthur Brooks, Com- 
manding First Separate Battalion, N. G. D. C, for whom the place of custodian was 
created, William Pannell and Harry L. Mickey. 

In the Executive Mansion the following Afro-Americans, in addition to several 
others who are still on the rolls, were employed at the time the President came into 
office: Messrs. Duncan, Amos, Brent, Reeder and Pinckny. Mr. Duncan was trans- 
ferred to the Treasury Department at an increased salary; Mr. Brent was trans- 
ferred as a clerk to the city post office at an increased salary; Mr. Eeeder was trans- 
ferred to the State Department. Mr. Pinckny was given a good place in the Executive 
Office, and Mr. Amos was given a good place in New York. 

All of these places were filled by the President with colored men. In addition 
the President appointed the following Afro-American employees at the Executive 
Mansion: W. W. Brown, J. W. Mays, S. C. Jackson, L. C. Peters and Miss Annie 
Brooks. When the President came into office there were five colored coachmen and 
hostlers at the White House stables. On account of changing from carriages to auto- 
mobiles, chauffeurs and footmen were employed, but places were found in the De- 
partments for four of these coachmen and hostlers and the other voluntarily accepted 
a position in New York. 

There are on the regular pay roll of the Executive Office, six colored employees 
whose salaries aggregate $5,960 per annum. On the regular pay roll of the Execu- 
tive Mansion, there are twenty colored employees whose annual salaries aggregate 
$11,562. One colored employee in the White House garage receives a salary of $780 
per annum. A number of colored men and women are employed for duty at functions 
during the social season and their pay in the aggregate amounts to more than $1,000. 
The total amount paid to Afro-Americans at the White House is nearly $20,000 per 

After twenty-five years of faithful service as the commanding officer of a battalion 
of the National Guard of the District of Columbia, Major Arthur Brooks has re- 
cently been retired with the rank of Lieutenant Colonel. His commission was signed 
by President Taft. Lieutenant Colonel Brooks is still on duty as custodian at the 
White House. 

The Afro-American and His Debt to the Republican Party. 

If the Afro-American citizen recalls the past he must acknowledge that every 
privilege he has in this country came to him at the hands of the Bepublican party. 
The Democrats opposed every proposition looking toward his welfare during the long 
struggle over the Negro question in the years following the slaveholders' rebellion. 
The history of the United States tells a conclusive story on these points. Freedom, 
manhood, education, suffrage, opportunity were given by the party of which Taft 
and Sherman are the standard bearers. 

To the Democratic party the race owes: Two hundred and fifty years of slavery, 
peonage, disfranchisement, jimcrowism, lynching, curtailment of educational facilities, 
segregation, humiliation and degradation. 

The Washington Custom House. 

The present Collector of Customs at Washington, Hon. Whitefield McKinlay, is 
an Afro-American and was appointed by President Taft, August 5, 1910. He is paid 
a salary and commissions which aggregated $3,755 for the fiscal year ended June 30, 
1912. The value of imports has increased over $20,000 since Mr. McKinlay became 
Collector, and last year amounted to $1,132,024.00. 



In the Field cf Diplomacy and in the Consular Service, July i, 1912. 


Name. Position and Address. Salary. 
Henry W. Furniss, Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary at 

Port au Prince, Haiti $10,000 

William D. Crum, Minister Eesident and Consul General at Monrovia, Li- 
beria 5,000 

Richard C. Bundy, Secretary of Legation at Monrovia, Liveria 2,000 


William J. Yerby, Consul at Sierre Leone, West Africa 2,000 

James C. Carter, Consul at Tamatave, Madagascar 2,500 

Christopher H. Payne, Consul at St. Thomas, West Indies 3,000 

George H. Jackson, Consul at Cognac, Prance 2,500 

Lemuel W. Livingston, Consul at Cape Haitien, Haiti 2,000 

William H. Hunt, Consul at St. Etienne, France 2,500 

Herbert E. Wright, Consul at Puerto Cabello, Venezuela 2,000 

James W. Johnson, Consul at Corinto, Nicaragua 3,000 

Subordinate Consular Positions: 
Edmond A. Burrill, Vice and Deputy Consul and Clerk at St. Etienne, 

France 1,000 

DeWitt W. Perdue, Vice and Deputy Consul and Clerk at St. Thomas, West 

Indies 600 

John H. Reed, Vice Consul General at Monrovia, Liberia * 

J. William Woel, Consular Agent, Gonaives, Haiti t 152 

St. Charles Villedrouin, Consular Agent, Jeremie, Haiti t 158 

Total ' $38,410 

*Vice and Deputy Consular Officers as such receive compensation only in the absence of 
the principal Consular Officer. 

fConsular Agents, under statute, receive as compensation one-half the official fees collected 
hv them, not exceeding $1,000 in any one year. They are permitted to engage in business. The 
above amounts show compensation of agents for the fiscal year ended June 30, 1911, 


Has a Larger Number of Afro- American Presidential Appointees Than Any 
Other Department of the United States Government. 

The Treasury Department has in the city of Washington, 926 Afro-American 
employees with an aggregate compensation of $588,801. Outside of Washington the 
Treasury Department has 1,082 Afro-American Employees with a total compensation 
of $743,373. This is a total of 2,008 Afro- Americans employed in the Treasury Depart- 
ment with a total compensation of $1,332,174. These are the figures so far as known, 
but returns are still coming in and a reasonable estimate of the total number of 
colored employees would be 2,200, and an aggregate annual compensation of 

The Register of the Treasury. 

One of the most important offices in the Treasury Department, that of th3 Regis- 
ter of the Treasury, has been continuously filled by colored men under Republican 
appointment, during more than a quarter of a century, while under Democratic admin- 
istrations during that time no Negro was considered worthy to occupy that position. 
The importance of this office is indicated by the fact that the signature of the Regis- 
ter as well as that of the Treasurer of the United States is attached to all paper 
currency issued by the Government and the signature of a colored man has thus been 
one of the two names attached to every piece of paper money issued under Republican 
administrations since 1881, when Blanche K. Bruce was appointed register of the 
Treasury; while under Democratic administrations names of white Democrats were 
substituted when Rosecrans and Tillman, respectively, were appointed to that position, 


Duties of the Register of the Treasury. 

The Eegister of the Treasury signs all bonds of the United States, the bonds of 
the .Oistrict of Columbia, the Philippine Islands, the city of Manila, the city of Cebu, 
and tt-e Porto Eican gold loan, and keeps records showing the daily outstanding bal- 
ances ^hereof. He examines, counts, and prepares for destruction the upper halves 
of all redeemed paper money, except national-bank notes, received from the banks 
through*, the Office of the Treasurer of the United States for redemption, all paid 
interest coupons, and all other United States securities redeemed. 

Erich day the Eegister receives a statement from the Loans and Currency 
Divisioib, showing all transactions in bonds, whether issued, transferred, or exchanged. 
Eedeel.aed bonds are received by the Eegister from the Treasurer of the United States 
and a ter examination and entry are returned to him. This makes the office of the 
Eegister a complete check on these offices so far as the Government's bonded 
indebtedness is concerned, and enables the Eegister from his records to know the 
outstanding bonded indebtedness of the United States at the close of each business 
day. l 

A:B interesting part of the Eegister 's Office is the Currency Section, where upper 
halves of the mutilated paper currency, sent in for redemption are counted before 
destruction by maceration. The register is represented, by an employee of the office, 
on each of the special committees in connection with the examination, and destruction 
of Unitef States redeemed securities, national currency, burned and multilated notes, 
internal revenue and postage stamps, etc. During the past year, 485,495 redeemed 
and canceled Seven-Thirty notes amounting to $140,073,050 and 3,101,699 Seven- 
Thirty Co ipon Treasury notes amounting to $829,841,850, and 56 years' accumula- 
tion of redeemed detached and canceled coupons of old and matured loans, numbering 
103,250,868 and amounting to $1,237,342,994.30 were counted and prepared for destruc- 
tion by order of the Secretary of the Treasury. This special count required several 
months to complete, but when it was finished the number and amount of the securities 
balanced with the figures in the books. There was not one cent difference. Notwith- 
standing the destruction of this immense number of canceled securities there are 
still on file 18,731,944 redeemed and canceled certificates amounting to $5,218,341, 
725.09. These are so systematically arranged that in case any particular piece is 
needed for any purpose it may be found in a few minutes. 

The volume of business transacted by the Eegister 's Office is so great that it 
would be impracticable to give the details. The total interest-bearing ' debt of the 
United States is $963,776,770.00. 

The present Eegister of the Treasury, Hon. J. C. Napier, of Tennessee, is a 
colored man. He was appointed by President Taft, in 1911. The Afro-Americans 
on the Eegister 's pay roll for the year ended June 30, 1912, received $16,000 in 

Office of the Auditor for the Navy Department. 

The Office of Auditor for the Navy Department is held by Hon. E. W. Tyler, of 
Ohio, a colored man. The work of the office is to audit all accounts of the Navy De- 
partment, and to settle all claims arising in that department. During the fiscal year 
just closed this office audited accounts amounting to $152,666,269.29. This office 
has the largest clerical force of any bureau presided over by a colored man, there 
being 100 employees, eighteen are colored, eleven of these eighteen colored employees 
having been appointed during Mr. Tyler's administration, there being but seven in 
the office when he took charge. The total salaries paid per annum to all employees in 
this office, amount to $137,590. Of this amount the colored employees in the office 
receive $25,680 per annum. This office has a larger number of high grade colored 
clerks than any other office administered by any colored or white official. Of the 
eight colored clerks in the entire government service at Washington, who are paid the 
maximum clerk's salary, $1,800, four of them are in the Office of the Auditor for the 
Navy Department. Although the volume of business transacted by this office is far 
in excess of what it was at the time the present auditor took charge, by adopting 
modern methods he has been able to reduce the number of clerks from 115 to 100. 
At the time the present auditor took charge, the work of the office was three years 
behind. To-day it is right abreast with the work, the past year having been unpre- 
cedented for the record made in gaining on the work. 



Interesting and Instructive Data About the Treasury Department and / ffo- 
Americans in Its Service. " 

There are 84 Afro-Americans in the various branches of the Treasury Service 
at New Orleans, La., and their annual salaries amount to $68,980. 

Mr. Justin M. Holland, Deputy Collector of Customs at New Orleans, La., i eceives 
a salary of $3,000 per annum. He is a colored man. I 

The 216 Afro-American employees in the various branches of the Ti jasurf 
Service at New York City, receive annual salaries aggregating more than $2( '0,000. 

The 18 Afro-Americans employed under the Treasury Department at Ga veston, 
Texas, draw $14,000 in salaries annually. 

Twenty-nine colored employees in the Treasury service at Atlanta, Ja., are 
paid salaries aggregating $19,116 per annum. 

Twelve colored employees under the Treasury Department at Key West, Florida, 
receive $8,293 annually. 

There are 27 colored men in the Treasury service at Baltimore, Maryland, and 
their annual salaries aggregate $18,601. 

Fifty-two Afro-Americans employed under the Treasury Department at Phila- 
delphia, draw $31,326 per annum in salaries. 

In the Treasury service at San Francisco, Cal., there are 24 Afro-American em- 
ployees and their salaries aggregate $19,982 annually. 

James M. Alexander, Deputy Collector of Internal Eevenue at Los Angeles, Cali- 
fornia, was appointed by executive order of President Taft in 1909. In the order 
the President gave as one of the reasons for his action the fact that the Afro-Ameri- 
cans of California did not have proper representation in the service of the Government. 
Mr. Alexander is the chief deputy and also acts as cashier of the office. 

There was some opposition to the appointment of Charles A. Cottrill as Collector 
of Internal Eevenue at Honolulu, Hawaii. A delegation came from the island to 
protest against it, but Secretary MacVeagh was firm in his recommendation of Mr. 
Cottrill as the best qualified man for the place so the appointment was made by the 

In the Bureau of Engraving and Printing there are 551 Afro- American employees 
receiving from $1.50 to $4.00 per day. Only 70 receive less than $1.75 per day. 

Mr. E. E. Belcher, Deputy Collector of Customs at Brunswick, Ga., has been in 
the service many years and has made an excellent record. 

Learning that ex-Governor Pinchback's fortune had been swept away and that he 
needed employment to provide for himself and his family in his declining years Presi- 
dent Taft directed that he be given a place in the Internal Eevenue service at $10 per 
day and after Governor Pinchback had served long enough to prove his efficiency, the 
place was put under civil service so that the ex-Governor has been provided a place 
which is not subject to political changes and is fixed for life. 

A few years ago, W. W. Hall, an Afro-American was a laborer working for $548 
a year in the Bureau of Engraving and Printing, but thanks to the Secretary 
of the Treasury, Hon. Franklin MacVeagh, he has been rapidly promoted and is now 
a first class stenographer earning a good salary. 



List of Afro-American Officers with Rank and Yearly Pay. Number of 
Enlisted Men With Aggregate Annual Pay. 

Officers. Nearly Pay. 

Major John E. Lynch (retired) $2,700 

Captain Charles Young 3,360 

1st Lieut. Benjamin O. Davis 2,400 

1st Lieut. John E. Green 2,400 

Lt.-Col. Allen Allensworth (retired) 3,375 

Major Wm. T. Anderson (retired) 2,700 

Captain George W. Prioleau 3,120 

1st Lieut. W. W. E. Gladden 2,200 

1st Lieut. Oscar J. W. Scott 2,200 

1st Lieut. Louis A. Carter 2,000 

M. M. McCary, Army Paymaster 's clerk 2,000 

Total yearly pay of officers $28,455 

Enlisted men in the 9th and 10th Cavalry, and 24th and 25th Infantry, 4,416, 

and their yearly pay in the aggregate amounts to 1,133,766 

Total for officers and men - $1,162,221 


The Chief Musicians in the four Afro- American regiments in the United States 
Army are colored men. The names, enlistment periods, and monthly rates of pay are 
as follows, their aggregate annual pay being included in the figures given above for 
enlisted men: 

Band. Name of Chief Musician. Enlistment. Bate of Pay. 

9th Cavalry Wade H. Hammond 1st Enlistment $75.00 per Mo. 


10th Cavalry Alfred J. Thomas 3rd Enlistment 83.00 per Mo. 


24th Infantry Edward Polk 8th Enlistment 99.00 per Mo. 


25th Infantry Leslie King '. . .5th Enlistment 91.00 per Mo. 



Captain Walter H. Loving, Conductor of the Philippine Constabulary Band, re- 
ceives annual pay amounting to $2,525.00 in American gold, and quarters. He is an 
Afro-American. His original enlistment was dated January 13, 1902. The Musi- 
cians in the band are Filipinos. 


An Appreciation of the Great Emancipator and First Republican President 
By the Greatest Afro-American. 

"How sad and strange the fate of this great and good man, the saviour of his 
country, the embodiment of human charity whose heart though strong, was as tender 
as the heart of childhood; who always tempered justice with mercy; who sought to 
supplant the sword with the counsel of reason, to suppress passion by kindness and 
moderation; who had a sigh for every human grief and a tear for every human woe; 
should at last perish by the hand of a desperate assassin, against whom no thought of 
malice had ever entered his heart. ' ' — Frederick Douglass. 


Assistant Attorney General of the 

United States. 


Envoy Extraordinary and Minister 

Plenipotentiary to Haiti. 

Register of the Treasury. 


Recorder of Deeds for the District of 




Taft Administration Has Done Much Toward Stamping Out Peonage by 
Vigorous Enforcement of the Statutes Against this Form 
of Involuntary Servitude. 

Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude except as a punishment for crime 
whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist within the United States. 
— Thirteenth Amendment to the Constitution of the United States. 

Peonage, the new system of slavery in the Democratic South, may be defined as 
causing compulsory service to be rendered by one man to another, on the pretext of 
having him work out the amount of a debt, real or claimed ; also the carrying or 
enticing of any person from one place to another in order that he may be held in in- 
voluntary servitude. 

The Taft Administration through the Department of Justice, has done much 
toward obliterating this foul practice so common in the South. Attorney General 
Wickersham in his annual report recommends that the United States statutes upon 
the subject of peonage and slavery, be amended so as to render them more effective. 
The following is f rom the Annual Eeport of the Attorney General : 

Enforcement of Peonage Statutes. 

The vigorous enforcement of the statutes against peonage conducted by the de- 
partment in the last few years, it is believed, has done much toward stamping out 
that form of involuntary servitude in many districts, but in some of the Southern 
States this practice appears to be still quite extensively carried on. Prosecutions 
under the peonage statutes have been instituted in nearly all the Southern States, and 
in a few States not in the South. Convictions, owing to local prejudice, are difficult 
to secure, but they have been obtained in a number of States. Even where convic- 
tions have not been secured, it is thought that the acts of cruelty and oppression 
which frequently mark these peonage cases, disclosed in the course of their trial, have 
had the effect of turning the sentiment of the people against the methods which give 
rise to prosecutions for involuntary servitude. 

The chief support of peonage lies in the peculiar system of laws prevailing in 
some of the Southern States intended to compel personal service on the part of 
laborers. The usual practice, under these State laws, seems to be for the person who 
desires the services of a laborer to swear out a warrant against him for some alleged 
offense, have him taken before a justice of the peace, and bound over to the next 
term of court, the complainant becoming surety rr procuring bail for him, and then 
taking him to his farm or plantation and compelling him to labor through the fear or 
threat of imprisonment. Another expedient, expressly authorized by the laws of some 
States, is for the interested party to confess judgment on behalf of a laborer who 
has been accused of some offense, pay the same, and then have the laborer bound under 
a contract made under the supervision of the court to work out the indebtedness so 
contracted. The constitutionality of such laws is now in process of being tested 
by the department. 

At its last tern - , the Supreme Court of the United States, in Bailey v. The State 
of Alabama (219 U. S., 219), rendered a decision which goes far toward holding un- 
constitutional a statute designed, under the guise of punishing persons who obtained 
money under false pretenses, to enforce a condition of involuntary servitude, by de- 
claring a provision thereof which made a breach of contract prima tacie evidence of 
an intent to defraud, to be in violation of the thirteenth amendment. 

It is suggested that the statutes of the United States upon the subject of peonage 
and slavery should be amended so as to render them more effective for the protection 
of persons against slavery and involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for 
crime. The penal provisions on this subject are now embodied in sections 26S, 269, 
270, and 271 of the Criminal Code. These statutes should be made as broad as the 
fifteenth amendment, and should penalize the holding of any person in a condition 
of slavery or involuntary servitude, except as a punishment for crime where the party 
shall have been duly convicted. As the statutes now stand, they do not appear to 
cover completely the case of holding a person as a slave, and the only form of invol- 
untary servitude penalized is that of peonage, or compulsory service in payment of 


Section 1990 of the Eevised Statutes, which undertakes to abolish peonage, and 
nullifies any laws, customs, or usages of any State or Territory under which peonage 
is sought to be established or maintained, should also be amended by making it 
clearly apply to any form of involuntary servitude covered by the thirteenth amend- 
ment, and also by providing for the punishment of any person who attempts to en- 
force, or aids or abets the enforcement of, such a statute, custom, or usage for any 
such purpose. 


Great Institution of Learning Founded by Gen. O. O. Howard in 1867. 

Fifty-four Per Cent of the Officers, Professors, Teachers and 

Enployees are Afro-Americans. 

Has Enthusiastic Personal and Official Support of President Taft. 

Howard University was founded by Gen. O. 0. Howard and his associates. 
Funds were received for buildings from the appropriation by the National Government 
for the education of the Freedmen. The first annual appropriation was for 1879, 
and was $10,000. An annual appropriation has been continued to the present. For 
1911-12 it was $92,900. In recent years there has been an appropriation of $90,000 
for a Science Hall, also one for an addition to the Manual Arts Building" of 

While, special provision was made for the higher education of the Afro- American, 
no race was excluded, and North American Indians, Chinese, Japanese and Europeans 
of several nationalities, besides Caucasian-American citizens, have in the past been 
in the several departments, being especially attracted by the superior advantages 
in the professional schools. During the last six years the attendance upon the 
University has increased from 818 to 1,409; the increase in the regular courses of the 
School of Liberal Arts (including the College of Arts and Sciences and Teachers' 
College) has been from 102 to 356. Last year there was a student body of 1,409, 
representing 37 states, with 111 from 11 foreign countries, nearly all however, being 
identified with the colored race. 

Howard University Has Approval of President Taft. 

President Taft has placed his personality and his official position back of the sup- 
port of the University. He has spoken on its Campus on two important occasions and 
has given two addresses elsewhere especially in its behalf. He has stated as no other 
President has, the duty of the Government in the following utterances. 

The Work and Mission of Howard University. 

' ' This institution here is the partial repayment of a debt — only partial — to a 
race to which the government and the people of the United States are eternally 
indebted. They brought that race into this country against its will. They planted 
it here irretrievably. They first put it in bondage, and they kept it in the ignorance 
that the bondage seemed to make necessary, under the system then in vogue. Then 
they freed it, and put upon it the responsibilities of citizenship. Now some sort 
of obligation follows that chain of facts with reference to the people who are respon- 
ible for what that government did. It is fitting that the government of the United 
States should assume the obligation of the establishment and maintenance of a first 
class university for the education of colored men. * * * Everything that I can do as 
an executive in the way of helping along this University I expect to do. I expect to 
do it because I believe it is a debt of the people of the United States, and it is 
money constitutionally applied to that which shall work out in the end the solution 
of one of the great problems that God has put upon the people of the United States. ' ' 
— From speech of President Taft at Howard University. 

Higher Education Essential to Race. 

Now it is highly essential that all of the men of your race and any other race 
who are to occupy the learned professions shall be equipped with a complete education 
and those of us who are responsible for the coming of your race to this country 
are equally responsible for furnishing the means by which they shall lift themselves. 


(Hearty applause.) It is essential that we should encourage those who aspire to be 
the leaders of your race as far as possible and furnish the means for higher education 
such as are supplied by Howard University, by Fisk University and other institutions 
established for the higher education of your race. Now these people who are worrying 
about the waste of money on that account, need not sit up at night on the subject, for 
I have looked into the amount of money that is invested in these institutions and there 
is not anywhere enough money to furnish the education that is needed by the colored 
people of this country. (Applause.) The funds are not sufficient. Howard Uni- 
versity is under the shadow of the Capitol and properly receives and ought to receive 
money enough to make it a great educational institution. (Hearty applause.) 

Of course, it is well to have voluntary contributions where you can get them but 
where you can not get them they ought to be pieced out with the governmental 
appropriations. (Applause.) — From speech of President Taft at meeting in interest 
of Howard University gymnasium, April 9, 1912. 

There are 85 Afro-Americans regularly employed as Officers, Teachers and in other 
positions in Howard University with an aggregate annual salary of $59,223.60 
This is over 54 per cent of the total number of persons so employed. In all cases 
the same salaries are paid for similar positions. There is in addition to this a 
large number of students employed as janitors and in other work. 


The progress of the Afro-American people in education has been remarkable. 
The decrease in illiteracy as shown by census figures is as follows: 

1870—79.9 per cent. 
1880 — 70.0 per cent. 
1890—57.1 per cent. 
1900 — 44.5 per cent. 
1910—30.4 per cent. 

There are 3,422,157 Afro-Americans from 6 to 20 years of age, inclusive, in 
the United States and 1,619,699 or 47.3 per cent, are attending school. A larger 
number ought to be in school but they are not able to do so by reason of the inade- 
quate facilities provided for the race in the Southern Democratic States. 

In the Northern, Eastern and "Western States, very generally under the domina- 
tion ot the Kepublican party, Afro-Americans have been accorded the same rights as 
other citizens and have attended the same schools. In the Democratic* South a 
separate school system exists and the schools for Afro-American are generally 
inferior to those for Caucasians and they are not absolutely equal in a single Southern 
Democratic State. Forced to a great extent by Eepublican opinion of the North the 
Southern Democrats have done something for the education of the colored race but it 
is very little when compared with the provisions for education in the Eepublican 
North where in the public schools, the child of every citizen has an equal share in the 
school facilities. 

A concrete example of this is shown in Birmingham, Alabama, where the white 
school population in 1910 was 19,810 and the value of the white high school building, 
grounds and equipment was $200,168.64, while the colored school population was 
19,726 and the value of the colored high school building, grounds and equipment 
was $1,050. Another example: The white population of Bedford, Virginia, is 1,400; 
the colored population 1,100. The cost of the colored school building, including the 
ground, was $4,500; the school board is now planning a $30,000 school building for 
the whites. Thousands of similar cases could be cited. 

Progress is being made, however, in spite of the injustices and hinderances, for 
which malevolent Democratic influence is responsible. The proof of the progress 
lies in the fact that the illiteracy of the race has been reduced nearly 50 per cent. 
(49.5 per cent) in forty years and the credit for this must be given very largely to 
"Republican sentiment. 

President Taft has shown himself to be deeply interested in the education of the 
Afro-American people. He has delivered many public addresses advocating every kind 
of education for the race. He is one of the trustees of Hampton Institute. He is 
also a trustee of the Jeannes Fund for the education of the poor colored children of 
the rural districts of the South, who are denied decent school facilities in many 
localities by their Democratic neighbors, and since his acceptance of this trust, several 


meetings of the board of trustees have been held in the White House. Mr. Taft is 
especially interested in the higher education of the race and in a recent address he 
publicly stated that he believed that a college education is just as essential to the 
full development of the race as is industrial education. 

The Bureau of Education. 

The Commissioner of Education in his report for the year ending June 30, 1911, 
gives a special chapter on schools for the colored race. This is an addition to the 
statistics on colored schools for all grades, which are included in the general educa- 
tional statistics in the other chapters of his report. 

The summary of the enrollment of the 150 public high schools for Afro-Americans 
reporting to the Bureau of Education for 1911, shows that there are 513 teachers 
for the high school grades, an enrollment of 9,641 secondary or high school students 
and 2,021 elementary pupils. 

Table 2 of the report of the Commissioner of Education shows that 238 secondary 
and higher schools for Negroes (not including the 150 public high schools) had 3,398 
teachers, 40,945 elementary pupils, 23,834 secondary students, or students of high 
school grade, and 5,313 students in collegiate and professional classes. Table 3 of 
the report shows that 205 of the 238 schools had libraries, aggregating 442,155 
volumes, 229 possessed property valued at $17,120,311, and 224 of the schools re- 
ported total income for the year aggregating $2,579,714. 

The Morrill Act of 1890, which was an act "to apply a portion of the proceeds 
of the public lands to the more complete endowment and support of the colleges 
for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts established under the provisions 
of an act of Congress approved July second, eighteen hundred and sixty-two, ' ' 
provides ' ' That no money shall be paid out under this act to any State or Territory 
for the support and maintenance of a college where a distinction of race or color is 
made in the admission of students, but the establishment and maintenance of such 
colleges separately for white and colored students shall be held to be a compliance 
with the provisions of this act if the funds received in such State or Territory be 
equitably divided as hereinafter set forth: Provided, That in any State in which there 
has been one college established in pursuance of the act of July second, eighteen 
hundred and sixty-two, and also in which an educational institution of like char- 
acter has been established, or may be hereafter established, and is now aided by 
such State from its own revenue, for the education of colored students in agiiculture 
and the mechanic arts, however named or styled, or whether or not it has received 
money heretofore under the act to which this is an amendment, the Legislature of 
such State may propose and report to the Secretary of the Interior a just and 
equitable division of the fund to be received under this act tetween one college for 
white students and one institution for colored students established as aforesaid, which 
shall be divided into two parts and paid accordingly, and thereupon such institution 
for colored students shall be entitled to the benefits of this act subject to its pro- 
visions, as much as it would have been if it had been included under the act of 
eighteen hundred and sixty-two, and the fulfillment of the foregoing provisions 
shall be taken as a compliance with the provision in reference to separate colleges 
for white and colored students. ,; 

The Legislature of Tennessee in an act approved July 6, 1911, has provided that 
the funds received by the State of Tennessee shall be divided between the University 
of Tennessee, at Knoxville, and the Agricultural and Industrial School for Negroes, at 
Nashville. This institution for colored students has recently been established by the 
State and will open for instruction in September, 1912. The division of the funds pro- 
vided by the acts of Congress of August 30, 1890, and March 4, 1907, is to be based 
upon the scholastic population of colored children and white children of the State, the 
funds to be divided in proportion to the number of children of each race. At present 
the entire Federal appropriation is given to the University of Tennessee. The indus- 
trial department of Knoxville College is under the supervision of the university, and 
colored students desiring education in agriculture, domestic science, and the trades and 
industries are sent to Knoxville College. About 23 per cent of the total amount 
received from the Federal Government by the university is expended in maintaining 
the industrial department at Knoxville College. 

During the past year there has been marked activity in the agricultural and 
mechanical colleges in reorganization of their work for the preparation of special 
teachers of agriculture, mechanic arts, and household science. 



Hon. Henry Lincoln Johnson, of Georgia, the present Eeeorder of Deeds of the 
District of Columbia, is a colored man and was appointed by President Taft in 1909. 

During the past fiscal year, 26,137 instruments, exclusive of incorporation 
papers, were filed for record, which number, being 901 in excess of the number re- 
corded during the fiscal year 1911, the previous largest year in the history of the office 
established a new record. Four hundred and twenty-nine incorporation papers were 
filed for record. The sum of $2,615 was collected from 85 corporations. This was an 
increase of $595 over the previous year. The total receipts of the Office for the 
fiscal year ended June 30, 1912, were $45,988.55, which exceeded by $2,550.75 those 
collected during the previous fiscal year, when they reached the highest mark in the 
history of the Office, the year just closed being the largest both in the number 
of papers filed for record and in amount of its receipts. The fiscal year of 1912 
established still another record, the amount of its unexpended revenues deposited 
in the United States Treasury at its close being $12,851.60, which amount was 
$3,768.73 in excess of the unexpended balance of the previous year. The total 
amount paid to salaried employees and copyists during the year was $29,890.37 
and of this amount the 23 Afro-American employees received $18,545.52. 


Mingo Sanders, Former First Sergeant of Co. B., 25th Infantry, Who was 
Discharged Without Honor by President Roosevelt Appointed 
Messenger by the President. 

By an executive order of President Taft, Mingo Sanders, who was first sergeant 
of Company B of the Twenty-fifth infantry one of the colored regiments, discharged 
from the army without honor for alleged participation in the Brownsville riots became 
a messenger in the classified service on August 3, 1912 and went to work in the 
Interior Department at $70 per month. When Sanders was discharged he had 
served twenty-nine years and after another years service he would have been en- 
titled to retirement at two-thirds pay and allowances. Eepresentative Bodenburg, 
of Illinois, who has taken great interest in Sanders' welfare, will introduce a bill in 
the House to reinstate him in the army and permit his retirement at once. Later Mr. 
Rodenburg will introduce a bill for the reinstatement of all the innocent soldiers 
discharged for alleged participation in the "shooting up" of Brownsville. 


The Freedmen's Hospital was established by the Act of March 3, 1865, as 
a war necessity for the Freedmen and Refugees who followed the Grand Army to 
Washington, vaguely expecting the Government would provide for them. It was 
little more than an asylum for army years until the sundry civil act of March 3, 1903, 
provision was made for the construction of a new Freedmen's Hospital which has 
cost $600,000. 

It is managed by a staff of 91 employees, all of whom are covered by the Civil 
Service Law. 

The present organization was effected July 1, 1898, and revised September 18, 
1909, and has proved a most satisfactory one. The Surgeon-in-Chief, Dr. William 
A. Warfield, has made an excellent record not only as a skillful surgeon, but an 
efficient manager of the business affairs. The visiting Staff is composed of 56 of 
the leading physicians , and surgeons in the city, 23 of whom are Colored and 33 

Some idea of the amount of medical and surgical work done in the hospital may 
be had from a review of the report of the fiscal year ended June 30, 1911. It will 
be seen that 2,900 v atients were treated in the hospital, and 4,838 in the dis- 
pensary. 248 births occurred and 1,768 operations were performed and 983 emer- 
gencies. The 91 Afro-American employees receive $24,960 in annual salaries. 



Collector of Internal Eevenue; New 

York City. 

Minister Eesident and Consul Gren- 
eral to Liberia. 


Collector of Customs, at Washington, 

D. C. 

Collector of Customs, Beaufort, S. C. 


Aids Colored Farmers by Conducting Demonstrations in Raising Various 
Crops. Has 266 Afro-American Employees with Total 
Annual Compensation of $143,034. 

The Department of Agriculture has in the City of Washington, one hundred and 
sixty-four colored employees with an aggregate compensation of $89,816.95. Outside 
of Washington the Department has one hundred and two colored employees with 
a total compensation of $53,217.50. This is a total of two hundred and sixty-six 
colored employees in the Department of Agriculture, with a total compensation 
of $143,034.45. 

In connection with the Farmer's Cooperative Demonstration Work in the South 
the Bureau of Plant Industry of the Department of Agriculture employees a number 
of colored agents, who are doing very successful and efficient work. There are 
now fifteen regular agents employed in connection with this work, who are paid 
salaries ranging from $25 to $100 per month. These agents are carrying on regular 
farm demonstrations with farmers m the communities where they are employed, 
conducting demonstrations in the raising of cotton, corn, and other crops, and 
generally fostering and encouraging better farming and better living on the part 
of the Afro-American farmers. 

Closely identified with the work of the Department is that conducted through 
the aid of funds secured from the General Education Board. Twenty-one agents 
are employed in this work at salaries ranging from $25 to $100 per month. This work 
is practically an extension of the Government work in localities where the Government 
agents are not employed. All the agents paid from the General Education Board fund 
are appointed as Collaborators of the Department of Agriculture. 

The following is a list of the names and locations of some of the agents and 
collaborators : 

J. Eussell Council, Boley, Okla. ; A. W. Beck, Mound Bayou, Miss. ; M. A. Jones, 
Indianola, Miss.; T. M. Campbell, Tuskegee Institute, Ala.; J. B. McPherson, Wedo- 
wee, Ala.; C. D. Menafee, Opelika, Ala.; T. J. Murray, Fort Davis, Ala.; G. W. 
Patterson, Huntsville, Ala.; Harry Simms, Snow Hill, Ala.; W. A. Tate, Tuskegee 
Institute, Ala.; C. F. Eobinson, Tallahassee, Fla. ; J. A. Booker, Fort Valley, Ga.; 
P. D. Johnson, Covington, Ga. ; Ealph Amos, Meto, Ark. ; Clifford Dove, Tuskegee 
Institute, Ala. 

There are also a number of other collaborators who are paid nominal salaries 
in order to give them official connection with the Department Collaborators; J. A. 
Bates, Orangeburg, S. C. ; J. E. Blanton, Frogmore, S. C; J. H. Goodwin, Weston, 
S. C; E. D. Jenkins, Denmark, S. C. ; C. W. Jones, Greenville, S. C; H. S. Murphy, 
Camden, S. C; E. W. Westberry, Sumter, S. C; N. A. Bailey, Greensboro, N. C; 
C. S. Mitchell, Parmele, N. C. ; Mattie Holmes, Phoebus, Va., J. W. Lancaster, 
Farmville, Va. ; E. D. .Lemon, Sassafras, Va. ; G. E. Oliver, Crewe, Va.; A. W. 
Pegram, Carson, Va.; J. B. Pierce, Wellville, Va. ; C. C. H. Thompson, Blackstone, 
Va.; E. E. F. Washington, Eoxbury, Va. ; J. F. Wilson, Keysville, ^Va.; E. L. Wynii, 
Wellville, Va. ; W. G. Young, Upper Zion, Va. ; Annie Peters, Boley, Okla. 

The Agony cf Spirit Hard to Bear. 

Now, with reference to the race question and race feeling in the South, I have 
this conviction, that we have made great progress in 40 years. The work to this 
point has been hard and heart-rending, and, at times, the agony of spirit has been 
very hard to bear, but as you look back over the last 50 years, as any one looks back 
over your history during that period the progress that has been made is marked. 

Now my friends, I want to extend to you my earnest feeling of sympathy in your 
struggle onward and upward. — President Taft to Afro-American Citizens of New 

The election of Taft and Sherman means continued prosperity for all the people. 



It is Now 9,827,753, an Increase of 11.2 Per Cent Since 1900. There are 

893,384 Farmers, an Increase of 19.6 Per Cent 1,619,699 Children 

Attending School. Per Cent Illiterate 30.4. 

The table headed ' ' Af ro-Americans in the United States ' ' is based upon the pre- 
liminary results of the census of 1910, in comparison in general with the figures for 
1910. The distribution of Negroes according to black and mulatto is given for 1910, in 
comparison with similar results derived from the returns of the censuses of 1890 and 
1870. It will be seen that the mulatto population has increased from 12 per cent 
in 1870 to 20.9 per cent in 1910. r xnere are 893,384 colored farmers, an increase 
of 146,620 or 19.6 per cent since 1900. The total Afro-American population of the 
United States according to the census of 1910 is 9,827,763. There are 2,458,873 males 
21 years or over. The increase in males of voting age has been 19.3 per cent in 
the decade. The per eent of illiterate has been reduced from 44.5 in 1900 to 30.4 in 


In the Southern States. Of 893,384 Afro-American Farmers in the Country 
880,837 are ^ n the South. Total Value of Farms $900,132,334. 

There has been an enormous increase in the value of the farms (land and build- 
ings), owned by the 880,837 Afro- American farmers in the Southern States. In 1900 
the value was $380,280,968. According to the Census of 1910 it had increased to 
$900,132,334, or 136.7 per cent! (The total includes the farms of 9,219 Indians, 24 
Chinese, and 61 Japanese in addition to the farms of 880,837 Afro-Americans). 

Total number of farms, 

Farms of owners 

Farms of managers 

Farms of tenants 

Total farm acreage 

Farms of owners 

Farms of managers 

Farms of tenants , 

Total value of farms . . 

(land and buildings) 

Farms or owners. ........ 

Farms of managers 

Farms of tenants 



















1900 to 1910. 













O U 








(A minus sign (-) denotes decrease.) 

Afrc-Americans in the Larger Cities. 
There are eight of the larger cities in each of which there are more than 25,000 
Afro-Americans ana in three of them they constitute a considerable proportion of the 
total population. Of the cities named, Washington, with 94,446 Afro-Americans has 
the largest proportion, 28.5 per cent; New Orleans, with 89,262 Afro-Americans, the 
second largest, 26.3 per cent; and Baltimore, with 84,749 Afro-Americans, the third 
largest proportion, 15.2 per cent. New York has 91,709 Afro-Americans, almost 
as many as in "Washington and more than in New Orleans, but of its total population 
the Afro-Americans constitute only 1.9 per cent. Philadelphia has 84,459 Afro- 
Americans, or 5.5 of its total population; Chicago 44,103 Afro- Americans, or 2 per 
cent; St. Louis 43,960 Afro-Americans, or 6.4 per cent; and Pittsburgh 25,623 Afro- 
Americans, or 4.8 per cent. In Detroit there are 5,741 Afro-American s; Buffalo, 1,773; 
San Francisco, 1,642; Milwaukee, 980; Cincinnati, 19,639; Newark, 9,475; St. Louis, 
43,960; Boston, 13,564; Cleveland, 8,448; Los Angeles, 7,599; Minneapolis, 2,928; 
Jersey City, 5,960. 



Afro- Americans 

Total number 

Males 21 years of age or over. 
Afro-American Farmers: 

Total number 


10 years of age or over: 

Total number 

Number illiterate 

Per cent illiterate 


6 to 20 years of age, inclusive : 

Total number 

Number attending school. . . . 

Per cent attending school. . 
6 to 9 years of age, inclusive : . 

Total number 

Number attending school. . . . 

Per cent attending school. . 
Afro- Americans 
1(0 to 14 years of age, inclusive 

Total number 

Number attending school. . . . 

Per cent attending school .... 
Afro- Americans 
15 to 20 years of age, inclusive: 

Total number , 

Number attending school. . . . 

Per cent attending school. . . 

Total Number 























Increase, 1900-1910 








Per cent 







A minus sign (-) denotes decrease. 

Afro- Americans : 
Total number . . 



Per cent mulatto 










**Includes 18,636 Negroes in Indian Territory not distinguished as 
black or mulatto. 

The Post Office Department. 

There are 3,957 Afro- Americans serving the government under the Post Office 
Department and their annual salaries aggregate $3,099,907. Among these are in- 
cluded postmasters, assistant postmasters, clerks, letter carriers, rural mail carriers 
and railway mail clerks. There are 280 Afro-American postmasters. Among the 
presidential offices are: Mary A. Booze, Mound Bayou, Miss.; George W. Eeed, 
Beaufort, S. C. ; William L. Jones, Boley, Okla. ; J. B. Washington, Tuskegee In- 
stitute, Ala. 

The Patent Office. 

One of the most expert examiners in the Patent Office is an Afro-American, 
Henry E. Baker of Mississippi, who draws a salary of $2,100 per annum. Mr. 
Baker has been an examiner for 24 years. He has recently made a research of the 
office and has been able to trace more than 1,000 patents granted to Afro-Americans. 



< The potential voting strength of each state and city is expressed by the number 
of its males 21 years of age and over, excluding the foreign born who have not 
become naturalized, but by this is not meant the actual number of voters. It repre- 
sents, rather the number of males who from the standpoint of age alone are eligible 
to vote, aside from any qualifications based upon educations, length of residence, or 
considerations of a like nature imposed by the national or state government. 

There are in all 229 cities which had in 1910 more than 25,000 inhabitants, with 
an aggregate population of 28,543,816. These cities together contained in ' 1910, 
a total of 9,004,422 males of voting age, or 31.5 per cent of their combined popu- 
lation. For continental United States as a whole, males of voting age numbered 
26,999,151 and constituted 29.4 per cent of the entire population (91,972,266) in 1910. 

The total number of Afro-American males of voting age in the United States 
in 1910, was 2,459,327 or 9.1 per cent. Many of these voters in the Southern Demo- 
cratic States are practically disfranchised and debarred from voting. 

In the following table the number of Afro-Americans is given in each state and 
also for each city having a population exceeding 25,000, in which there are 500 or 
more Afro- American males of voting age. The figures are from Census of 1910, and 
of course the actual number of Afro-Americans of voting age is greater now than 
it was two years ago when the census was taken. 


States and Cities. 






Little Bock 


Los Angeles 


San Francisco ........ 






New Haven 



DIS. of COL. and Washing 












East St. Louis 



ton, coextensive 

Total Males 21 and 

Afro- Americans 












1 4,592 




! 2,571 



















































16,090 | 





States and Cities. 




Terre Haute 


Des Moines 


Kansas City 








New Orleans 








New Bedford .... 





Saint Paul 



St. Joseph 

St. Louis 







Atlantic City 


Jersey City 






New York 

Manhattan bouough 
Bronx borough 
Queens borough 
Brooklyn borough . . 





Total Males 21 and 





























'• 74,211 


















































3,756 ' 





































States and Cities. 











Oklahoma City . . . 













Chattanooga ...... 







Fort Worth 



San Antonio 















rotal Males 21 and 

Afro- Americans 





























• 12,336 













































568 . 

























Senator Ben Tillman in an open letter dated August 31, resents the oft- 
repeated assertion that in South Carolina, Bleaseism is Tillmanism. Says the 
Senator : ' ' Tillmanism means genuine democracy, the rule of the people— lof all 
the white people — rich and poor alike, with special privileges and favors to none, with 
equality of opportunity and equality of burden to all. Tillmanism is noble, high 
and elevating. Bleaseism is selfish, low, dirty and revengeful. 












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Afro-American Race Well Represented in the World's Greatest Printing 
Establishment. 634 Colored Employees Receive 
$434,856 in Annual Salaries. 

The Government Printing Office is the largest printing establishment in the 
world. The cost of the land on which its buildings are located was $345,000; the 
cost of its buildings was $2,824,000; and the cost of the machinery was $2,306,255. 
The value of the material and illustrations consumed during the fiscal year 1911 was 
$2,050,296. The total charges for the printing and binding produced by the Govern- 
ment Printing Office during the fiscal year 1911, were $6,307,762. The average 
number of employees during the fiscal year 1911 was 3,990. The aggregate annual 
salaries and wages of officials and employees during the fiscal year 1911 were 

Statement of Afro-Americans Employed in the Government Printing Office 
on July 1, 1912, With Designations, Etc. 

Classified Service. 

Assistant doorkeeper 1 

Caster helpers 24 

Clerks 3 

Compositors 11 

Counter in charge 1 

Counters 3 

Electrotype molder-apprentice • 1 

Elevator conductors 24 

Firemen 2 

Folders 11 

Helpers 30 

Messengers 6 

Monotpye keyboard operators :\ 

Officeman 1 

Oilers 4 

Pressf eeders 9 

Pressman 1 

Skilled laborers (male) 208 

Skilled laborers (female) 15 

W atckman 1 

Total 359 

Unclassified Service. 

Charwomen 6 

Chauffeurs 5 

Drivers ■ 5 

Laborers 9 

Stablemen 3 

• Unskilled laborers 247 

Total 275 


Classified employees 359 

Unclassified employees 275 

Total 634 

The annual salaries paid above employees $434,856. 

There are 67 regular letter carriers in the New Orleans, La., Post Office. Their 
salaries aggregate $70,200 a year. 



In 1909, President Taft Appointed a Commission to Go to Liberia for the 

Purpose of Investigating Conditions There and Aiding the Negro 

Republic. Emmett J. Scott, an Afro-American, was one of the 

Commissioners. Great Good Accomplished by the Visit. 

On April 24, 1909, the Commission to Liberia, appointed by President Taft, 
to visit Liberia and investigate conditions in the little Eepublic, sailed for Monro- 
via on the scout cruisers Chester and Birmingham. On the Chester were the Com- 
missioners. Mr. Eoland P. Falkner, chairman of the Commission, Messrs. Emmett 
J. Scott, George Sale, members; and Mr. George A. Finch, Secretary; while the 
Birmingham carried Major Percy M. Ashburn, United States Army, Medical Attache 
to the Commission, and Mr. Frank A. Flower, naturalist and scientific attache. 

In 1908 a Special Commission from the Republic of Liberia visited the United 
States and represented to our Government that Liberia was in need of assistance 
in maintaining her independence and integrity as a Nation. They asked that the 
United States guarantee their territorial and political integrity, which, of course, 
as Secretary Eoot informed them, was impracticable on our part. The United States 
was then asked to loan to Liberia suitable and competent officers to aid them in the 
conduct of the administration of their country, and to confer with the representatives 
of other Governments having interests on the West Coast of Africa, and whose 
territory bordered on Liberia. Congress authorized the appointment of a commission 
and appropriated $20,000 for the payment of the expenses thereof. Secretary Eoot 
suggested that a suitable vessel of the United States Navy be designated to trans- 
port the Commission to and from Liberia, but, as the Commission appointed by 
President Taft, was larger in numbers than the one originally recommended, it was 
decided that the scout cruisers Chester and Birmingham were to have the honor of 
carrying the distinguished representatives of our country. The Chester bearing the 
Commission, arrived at Monrovia, May 8th, while the Birmingham with the Medical 
and Military Attaches, did not drop anchor until May 13th. The Commissioners 
met with a cordial and enthusiastic reception from the Liberians. 

During the month of May the Commissioners were busy with their duties, visiting 
various parts of th . country and hearing testimony and evidence brought before them 
for their consideration. On May 29th, the Commissioners having completed their 
labors at Monrovia, separated and boarded the vessels once more. The Chester, 
with Mr. Falkner, Captain Cloman and Major Ashburn, sailed for Freetown, Sierra 
Leone, from which place these members of the Commission went to inspect the 
northern boundary line of Liberia, ana the Birmingham with the remaining members, 
sailed for Grand Bassa, Liberia. The vessel only remained there for twenty-four 
hours and then proceded to Cape Palmas and the Eiver Cavalla which is the southern 
boundary of Liberia. The Commissioners ascended the Eiver Cavalla for some dis- 
tance and examined the boundary line of Liberia and French Guinea, and on June 
4th, their labors having been completed, they boarded the Birmingham and returned 
to Liberia. Here the American Minister, Dr. Lyon, who had accompanied the Com- 
missioners on their tour of the southern Liberian counties, disembarked, and the 
Birmingham said good bye to Monrovia. The cruiser proceeded to Freetown June 
8th, and sailed via the Canary Islands and the Azores where short stops were made, 
and reached Newport, E. I., July 2nd. 

As one of the results of the visit of the Liberian Commission, Eeed Paige Clark 
was appointed General Eeceiver of Liberian Customs by the State Department, at the 
suggestion of President Taft. Mr. Clark was in London in May and arranged 
the details ot a loan agreement which will supply Liberia with sufficient funds to 
place her finances on a sound basis. 

Captain Charles Young, 9th Cavalry, was detailed by direction of the Secretary 
of War, in December, 1911, to obtain military information from abroad under pro- 
visions of an act of Congress approved Feb. 27, 1893, and was ordered to Monrovia. 
Liberia, to report to the American Minister at that capital for such service. Captain 
Young is the only Afro-American graduate of West Point in the United States Army. 

All of the letter carriers at the Clarksville, Tennessee, Post Office are Afro- 


United States Army (Retired) 

United States Army (Retired) 

U. S. Consul, Puerto Cabello, Vene- 

Judge Municipal Court of the Dis- 
trict of Columbia. 


The following are sections of some of the election laws of the South (certified 
to by the Secretaries of State, in each case,) many of them enacted for the 
avowed purpose of depriving Afro-American citizens of the right to vote. It wi]l 
be seen that the Louisiana and North Carolina laws are especially framed for the 
purpose of making the educational test apply only to the Afro-Americans, and all 
persons who were voters prior to January 1, 1867, and their lineal descendants are 
exempt from the provisions of the law, which disqualifies persons because of 
illiteracy. The laws are skillfully worded and may appear fair, but in practice the 
registrars have practically unlimited power and in many cases prevent qualified 
colored voters from exercising the right of franchise. 

In this connection it is a remarkable fact that no body of Eepublican legisla- 
tors has ever enacted a single law intended to disfranchise any citizen on account of 
his race or color. 

Democratic Governor Donaghey of Arkansas, celebrated Independence Day 
this year, by issuing a proclamation advocating the passage of a il grand-father 
clause' ' amendment to the Constitution of that State. In this remarkable statemert 
Gov. Donaghey acknowledges that 100,000 colored men in Arkansas have the legal 
right to vote but in many instances have been prevented from exercising their rights 
by the process of intimidation. ' ' Gov. Donaghey 's statement follows the excerpts 
from the election laws of the South. 


1st Those who can read and write any article of the Constitution of the United States 
in the English language, and who are physically unable to work; and those who can read and 
write any article of the Constitution of the United States in the English language and who 
have worked and have been regularly engaged in some lawful employment, business or 
occupation, trade or calling for the greater part of the twelve months next preceding the time 
they oner to register, and those who are unable to read and write, if such inability is due solely 
to physical disability; or, 

2na. The owner in good faith in his own right, or the husband of a woman who is the 
owner in good faith in her own right, of forty acres of land situate in this State, upon which 
they reside; or the owner in good faith in his own right or the husband of any woman who 
is the owner in good faith in her own right of any real estate situate in the State assessed for 
taxation at the value of three hundred dollars or more, or the owner in good faith in his own 
right or the husband of any woman who is the owner in good faith of her own right of 
personal property in this State assessed at taxation at three hundred dollars or more; provided 
that the taxes due upon such real estate or personal property for the year next preceding the 
year for which he offers to register shall have been paid unless the assessment shall have been 
legally contested and is undetermined. 


Section 1. Elections by the people shall be by ballot, and only those persons shall be 
allowed to vote who have first been registered in accordance with the requirements of law. 

"Par. 2. Every male citizen of the State who is a citizen of the United States, twenty-one 
years old or upwards, not laboring under any of the disabilities named in this article, and 
possessing the qualifications provided by it, shall be an elector and entitled to register and vote 
at any election by the people : provided, that no soldier, sailor, or marine in the military or 
naval service of the United States shall acquire the rights of an elector by reason of being 
stationed on duty in this State. 

"Par. 3. To entitle a person to register and vote at any election by the people he shall 
have resided in the State one year next preceding the election, and in the county in which he 
offers to vote six months next preceding the election, and shall have paid all taxes which may have 
been required of him since the adoption of the Constitution of Georgia of 1877, that he may have 
had an opportunity of paying agreeably to law. Such payment must have been made at least 
'k months prior to the election at which he offers to vote, except when such elections are held 
ithin six months from the expiration of the time fixed by law for the payment of such taxes. 

"Par. 4. Everv male citizen of this State shall be entitled to register as an elector 
and to vote at all elections of said State who is not disqualified under the provisions of section 2 
of article 2 of this Constitution, and who possesses the qualifications prescribed in paragraphs 
2 and 3 of this section or who will possess them at the date of the election occuring next after 
his registration, and who in addition thereto, comes within either of the classes provided for in 
the five following subdivisions of this paragraph. 

"1. All persons who have honorably served in the land or naval forces of vho United 
States in the Revolutionary war, or the war of 1812, or in the war with Mexico, or in any war 
..ith the Indians or in the war between the States, or in the war with Spain, or who honorably 
served in the land or naval forces of the Confederate States, of the State of Georgia in the war 
between the States; or, 

"2. All persons lawfully descended from those embraced in the sub-division next 
above, or, 

"3. All persons who are of good character, and understand the duties and obligations 
of citizenship under a republican form of government, or, 

"4. M\ persons who can correcth- rep-"! in the Ene-lish language any ps-aeraph of the 
Constitution of the United States or of this State, and correctly write the same in the English 


language when lean to him by any one of the registrars, and all persons who, solely because 
of physical disability, are unable to comply with the above requirements, but who can understand 
and give reasonaole interpretation of any paragraph of the Constitution of the United States 
or of this State, that may be read to them by one of the registrars, or, 

"5. Any person who is the owner in good faith in his own right of at least forty acres 
of land situated in this State, upon which he resides, or is the owner in good faith in his owu 
right, of property situated in this State and assessed for taxation at the value of five hundred 

•'Par. 5. The right to register under sub-divisions 1 and 2 of paragraph 4 shall continue 
only until January 1, 1915. But the registrars shall prepare a roster of all persons who 
register under sub-divisions 1 and 2 of paragraph 4, and shall return the same to the Clerk's 
office of the Superior Court of their counties and the Clerks of the Superior Court shall send 
copies of the same to the Secretary of State, and it shall be the duty of these officers to record 
and permanently preserve these rosters. Any person who has been once registered under either 
of the sub-divisions 1 or 2 of paragraph 4 shall thereafter be permitted to vote, provided, he 
meets the requirements of paragraphs 2 and 3 of this section. 

"Par. 6. Any person to whom the right of registration is denied by the registrars on the 
ground that he lacks the qualifications set forth in the five sub-divisions of paragraph 4, shall 
have the right to take an appeal, and any citizens may enter an appeal from the decision of 
the registrars allowing any person to register under said sub-divisions. All appeals must be 
filed in writing with the registrars within ten days from the date of the decision complained 
of and shall be returned by the registrars to the office of the Clerk of the Superior Court to be 
tried as other appeals. 

"Par. 7. Pending an appeal and until the final decision of the case, the judgment of the 
registrars shall remain in full force. 

"Par. 8. No person shall be allowed to participate in a primary of any political party or a 
convention of any political party in the State who is not a qualified voter. 


"Section 3. He (the voter) shall be able to read and write, and shall demonstrate his 
ability to do so when he applies for registration, by making, under oath administered by the 
registration officer or his deputy, written application therefor, in the English Language or his 
mother tongue, which application shall contain the essential facts necessary to show that he is 
entitled to register and vote, and shall be entirely written, dated and signed by him, in the 
presence of the registration officer or his deputy, without assistance or suggestion from any 
person or memorandum whatever, except the form of application hereinafter set forth. 

"Section 5. No male person who was on January 1st 1867, or at any date prior thereto, 
entitled to vote under the Constitution or statutes of any State of the United States, wherein he 
then resided, and no son or grandson of any such person not less than twenty-one years of age 
at the date of the adoption of this Constitution, and no male person of foreign birth, who was 
naturalized prior to the first day of January, 1885, shall be denied the right to register and 
vote in this State by reason of his failure to possess the educational or property qualifications 
prescribed by this Constitution; provided, he shall have resided in this State for five years next 
preceding the date at which he shall apply for registration, and shall have registered in 
accordance with the terms of this article prior to September 1st, 1898, and no person shall be 
entitled to register under this section ofter that date." 


"Section 244. On and after the first day of January, 1892, every elector shall, in addition 
to the foregoing qualifications, be able to read any section of the Constitution of this State; or 
he shall be able to understand the same when read to him, or to give a reasonable interpretation 

North Carolina. 

"Art. Vl-Sec. 4. Every person presenting himself for registration shall be able lo lead 
and write any section of the Constitution in the English Language, and shall show to the 
satisfaction of the registrar his ability to read and write any such section when he applies 
for registration, and before he is registered: provided, however, that no male person who was. on 
January first, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, or any time prior thereto, entitled 
to vote under the laws of any State in the United States where he then resided, and no lineal 
descendant of such person, shall be denied the right to register and vote at any election in this 
State by reason of his failure to possess the educational qualifiications aforesaid: Provided, that 
it shall be made to appear to the registrar that he or his ancestor was entitled to vote prior 
to January first, one thousand eight hundred and sixty-seven, in any state in the United States, 
as prescribed by article six, section four, of the constitution, and such person, if otherwise 
qualified, shall be registered, and no registrar shall have the right to inquire whether such 
person can read or write." 

South Carolina. 

"Section 174. Every male citizen of this State and of the United States, twenty-one years 
of age and upwards, not laboring under disabilities named in the Constitution of 1895 of this 
State, and who shall have been a resident of the State for two years, in the county one year, in 
the polling precinct in which the elector offers to vote four months before any election, and shall 
have paid six months before any election any poll tax then due and payable, and who can read 


and write any section of the said Constitution submitted to him „_ __<; registration officers, or 
can show that he owns and has paid all taxes collectible due the ~_„vious year on property in 
the State assessed at $300 or more and who shall apply for registx^non shall be registered. 


''Sec. 20. After the first day of January, nineteen bundled »nd four, every male citizen 
of the United States, having the qualifications of age and residence required in section Eighteen, 
sball be entitled to register, provided: 

"First. That he has personally paid to the proper officer all State poll taxes assessed or 
assessable against him, under this or the former Constitution, for the three years next preceding 
that in which he offers to register; or, if he come of age at such time that no poll tax shall 
have been assessable against him for the year preceding the year in which he offers to register, 
has paid one dollar and fifty cents, in satisfaction of the first year's poll tax assessable against 
him; or, 

"Second. That, unless physically unable, he makes application to register in his own 
hand writing, without aid, suggestion, or memorandum, in the presence of the registration 
officers, stating therein his name, age, date and place of birth, residence aud occupation at the 
time and for the two years next preceding, and whether he has previously voted, and, if so, the 
State, County, and precinct in which he voted last, and, 

"Third. That he answer on "oath any and all questions affecting his qualifications as an 
elector, submitted to him by the officers of registration, which questions, and his answers thereto, 
shall be reduced to writing, certified by the said officers, and preserved as a part of their 
official records. 

"Sec. 21. Any person registered under either of the last two sections, shall have the right 
to vote for members of the General Assembly and all officers elective by the people, subject to 
the following conditions: 

"That he, unless exempted by section Twenty-one, shall, as a prerequisite to the right to 
vote after the first day of January, nineteen hundred and four, personally pay, at least six 
months prior to the election, all State poll taxes assessed or assable against him, under this 
Constitution, during the three years next preceding that. in which he offers to vote; provided that, 
if he register after the first day of January, nineteen hundred and four, he shall, unless 
physically unable, prepare and deposit his ballot without aid, on such printed form as the law 
may prescribe; but any voter registerest prior to that date may be aided in preparation of his 
ballot by such officer of election as he himself may designate. 

"Sec. 22. No person who, during the late war between the States, served in the army or 
navy of the United States, or the Confederate States, or any State of the United States, or of 
the Confederate States, shall at any time be required to pay a poll tax as a prerequisite to the 
right to register or vote. The collection of ■ the State poll tax assessed against any one shall 
not be enforced by legal process until the same has become three year's past due. 

Democratic Governor of Arkansas Favors Disfranchisement. 

The following remarkable statement favoring the disfranchisement of the colored citizens 
of Arkansas, was issued by Governor Donaghey of that state on July 4, 1912 : 

"I am in favor of the passage of the 'grandfather clause' amendment to the constitution. 
From every viewpoint it is better to eliminate the negro from politics. In the South racial 
conditions will not permit of his engaging in politics. Several States in the South have the 
'grandfather clause.' It is better for the negro because when he does not engage in politics 
he will cease to antagonize the white man, can look better after his own affairs, and in every 
other way obtain a better recognition. 

"Then, so long as we do not permit the negro to vote anyway, why not do it legally, 
instead of by process of intimidation? It is true that there are a few negroes who ought to be 
permitted to vote, but as a race it would unquestionably be bad policy to permit their voting 
by the wholesale. 

"Statistics show there are in the neighborhood of a hundred thousand negroes of voting 
age in Arkansas. If one of them is entitled to vote, all are. This number would be sufficient 
to carry any election in the State. In Jefferson County alone there are about six thousand 
negroes of voting age, and three thousand white voters. The same ratio exists in many other 
counties of the State. 

"By all means let us pass this amendment to the constitution, and let us have absolutely 
fair elections between white men. Let every white man's vote be counted oust as he votes it. As 
the matter elands now, the State Board of Election Commissioners is worried to death all the 
time just prior to elections by committees and factions from the bluik districts of the State 
wanting the appointment of certain election commissioners, the excuse being that the 
Democratic ticket is imperiled because of the excessive number of negroes in those districts. As 
a matter of fact, tbe reai purpose is to deny the negro the legal right which he now has to vote. 

"Again, this practice has been carried on until it has not stopped with the negro, but has 
been ey tended by the dominant factions to the counting out of while men's votes. 

"Let us be sincere and honest in what we are doing; be open and fair and state openly 
what we intend to do." 

The XVth Amendment Should Be Abrogated. 

' ' The States said years ago, the first and most important step towards a solution 
of the Negro pro'blem should be the withdrawal of the right of suffrage to the Ne- 
groes by abrogating the Fifteenth Amendment to the Federal Constitution. ' ' — New 
Orleans States (Dem.) 



The Eepublican Party wrote into the organic law the declaration which pro- 
claims the civil and political rights of the Afro-American people. The Democratic 
Party has enacted in the Southern States which it controls, laws which, by means of 
various devices, are really aimed at the disfranchisement of the race for reasons of 
color alone. Three attempts have been made by the Democrats 01 Maryland to 
disfranchise the colored voters of that State. The Maryland Eepublicans have 
stood solidly against every attempt at disfranchisement, and in two of these fights 
which have occurred since Mr. Taft's election as President, they have had his active 

In December, 1908, just after Mr. Taft had been elected and before he had 
been inaugurated, in answer to a letter of the Hon. Wm. F. Stone, Collector of the 
Port of Baltimore, for the purpose of obtaining his views, the President made the 
following reply : 

Taft Opposes Disfranchisement. 

' ' My dear Mr. Stone — I have your letter of December 9, but have not been able 
to answer it until now. I don't think any one can read my North Carolina 
speech with any care and on that base the belief that I would favor such a bill 
as that proposed in Maryland. The provision that the first class of eligible voters 
shall be those persons who on the 1st day of January in the year 1869, or prior 
thereto, were entitled to vote under the laws of Maryland or any other State of 
the United States wherein they then resided, and that the male descendents of 
such persons, as a second class, shall be entitled to vote, was intended to exempt the 
persons thus made eligible from the educational or property qualifications which follow 
in the descriptions of the fifth and sixth classes of jersons who shall be entitled to 

"The same thing may be said of the third and fourth classes, which includes 
foreign born citizens of the United States naturalized between January 1, 1869, and 
the date of the adoption of the proposed section and the male descendants of such 
mentioned persons. This is in order to exempt such immigrants and their descendants 
from educational or property qualifications. 

' ' Now we know the first four classes include no Negroes at all. In other words, 
it is intended to free the whites from educational or property qualifications, but 
to subject all Negroes to them. 

"The whole law ought to be condemned. It is not drawn in the spirit of 
justice and equality, having regard for the fourteenth and fifteenth amendments. 
and I sincerely hope that no Eepublican who desires equality of treatment to 
the black and white races will vote for it. Sincerely yours. 



Large Number of Afro-American Assistants, Clerks and other Employees. 
Great Work of Research by Daniel Murray, One of the Assistants. 

The Library of Congress is one of the great libraries of the world. Mr. Daniel 
Murray, one of the Assistants in the Library has spent many years in research among 
the books of the Library and has been able to identify approximately 6,000 titles of 
works by colored authors, and believes quite a third of these refer to books and 
pamphlets represented in the Library of Congress. The number is being augmented 
almost daily by the accessions gathered through the Copyright Office. To many who 
are wont to belittle the literary capacity of the race, this will prove astounding 
information. Of musical composition by colored composers, the Library has apparently 
about seven thousand. 

There are 46 Afro- American employes — 27 of these are employed under the 
direct supervision of the Librarian of Congress, for strictly library work, and 19 
under the Superintendent of the Library Building and Grounds, who has charge 
of the ' ' care and maintenance ' ' of the building and grounds. The aggregate amount 
paid for service in the Library Proper is $17,960. the aggregate under the Super- 
intendent of Building and Grounds is $6,960, or a total of $24,920. 



President Taft Denounces Lynching. In Many Public Utterances He has 
Called it Cowardly Murder. Advocates Rope for Lynchers. 

In forty years, more than 5,000 persons have been the victims of mobs. Anda- 
man's, Mississippi has the largest unmber to its discredit. Afro-xxmerican have been 
lynched xor such causes as race prejudice, informing, making threats, unpopularity, 
slapping child, being troublesome, testifying against white persons, enticing servants 
away and m many cases for no cause whatever. 

The Eepublican Party is essentially the party of law and order. While the 
Democratic party has condoned lawlessness, the Eepublican party has always stood 
for the supremacy of the law. j.he majority of the lynchings have taken place in 
states controlled by the Democratic party. 

President Taft has denounced lynching in the strongest terms m many public 

President Taft Advocates the Rope for Lynchers. 

At a meeting held April 9, 1912, in Metropolitan A. M. E. Church, Washington, 
D. C, for the purpose of raising funds for the building of a gymnasium at Howard 
University, President Taft condemned mob law in vigorous language. The President 
did not mince his words and he was greeted with thundering applause when he de- 
clared with emphasis, ' ' the man that pulls the rope should hang by the rope. ' ' 
President Taft said in part: 

"Now take the matter of lynching. That, as well as the administration of our 
criminal law, forms a disgraceful page in our social history. (Hearty applause.) 
I just think it is well to take a text on that subject. (Prolonged applause and 

Now I know that our courts are not perfect. I know that they don't apply the 
law with certainty and dispatch in the criminal cases as they ought to, and I believe 
that part of this departure from law as is the case i nlynching and disorder, is 
due to the fact that courts are not certain and are not full of dispatch in the justice 
meted out in criminal cases. But we must not attribute it all to the courts. There 
is among our people a disposition to forget the sanctity of the law and not to know 
that d civilization in any country can live unless the law is respected. (Prolonged 
applause.) Now lynching is claimed by some being justified because, as they say it 
is applied only to persons guilty of one special crime that is particularly heinous 
to all of us. But that is not true. Statistics show that lynching is applied to those 
charged with a great many crimes and the moment you transgress once and the 
mome '; that the mob acquires the wolfish desire for human blooa, the example is 
dreaaful to the community in which the exhibition of lawlessness is given. (Pro- 
longed applause.) And there is not any crime (I don't care what it is) that 
justifies a departure from the law or the summary punishment by a moo of the 
person who is charged with guilt. (Prolonged applause.) It is one of the serious 
questions that we have to face in this country. We have not among all of our 
people as profound a respect for the law and the necessity for obedience to it as we 
ought to have, and that is part of the reason why we have this exhibition of law- 
lessness over the country and these cruel murders (for that is what they are, for it 
is no less a murder when four hundred participate in the killing of one man) ordinarily 
it is accompanied by a great deal more of cowardice by reason of the fact that four 
hundred are engaged in such a crime. 

cheering.) Wherever it occurs it is to be condemned and rooted out and this can 
only be done by developing an individual and public opinion demanding the en- 
forcement of the law. And I hold that every one who tends to minimize respect for 
constituted authority and respect for the law and fail to follow it just 
as it is, contributes to the continuance of that lawlessness which we deplore theo- 
retically but, I am sorry to say, at the same ti emwe express too much sympathy with 
actually. ' ' 


Accounts of Lynching Makes One's Blood Boil. 

For a length of time it seems to be altogether abated, and then there will be 
an outbreak, a mob will be formed, developing the most fiendish cruelty, manifesting 
itself in the blindest and most unreasonable assault's upon perfectly innocent people 
simply because of their color. It is only fair to say that such brutish exhibitions 
are not confined to any one section. It is impossible to read accounts of this sort 
without having one 's blood boil with indignation that there can reside in the human 
breast such a savage and beastly impulse and motive. But we must remember two 
things: First, that in spite of our education and refinement and progress toward 
Christian ideals we still retain in our nature a great deal of the original animal, and, 
second, that the spirit of a mob seems to be a different spirit from that of the indivi- 
dual making it up, and to disclose a more insensate and inhuman state of impulses than 
it would be possible to find in any one of its members. The best remedy, and the 
necessary one, is an improvement in the administration of our criminal laws, and 
the holding to strict account the officers of the law who do not use all possible 
means to prevent and suppress such outbreaks. — From speech of Judge W. H. Taft, 

Disccunt on Lynch Rope. 

At the annual meeting of the Plymouth Cordage Company at Boston sometime 
since, a stockholder asked President Loring i^ the Company sold any rope in the 
South for hanging Negroes. 

This stockholder received the reply that as an actual fact the company has 
received a request from one of the Southern Democratic States in the lynching belt 
for a large discount in price if a purchase of its rope was made for lynching pur- 
poses, it being argued that the publicity which would be given the Plymouth rope 
for lynching was worth a concession. 


Latest Device of Democrats to Humiliate and Injure the Afro-American 
People. A Revival of the Ghetto of the Middle Ages. 

The Democrats in their efforts to antagonize the colored race, have hit upon a 
new plan in recent years which is practically a revival of the Ghetto of the middle 
ages, a plan of restricting the residence of Afro-Americans to certain blocks or 
streets in cities. 

The West Segregation Ordinance, now in force in Baltimore, was introduced 
in the City Council by Samuel L. West, councilman from the 13th Ward, passed in 
March, 1911, and approved by Mayor J. Barry Mahool, on April 7, 1911. It is called 
' ' ^_n ordinance for preserving peace, preventing conflict and ill feeling between the 
white and colored races in Baltimore City and promoting the general welfare of the 
city, by providing, so far as practicable, for the use of separate blocks by white and 
colored people for residences, churches and schools. ' ' 

Councilman West, who is a Democrat, is very proud of his segregation work and 
has issued a pamphlet with his portrait on the cover, giving the text of the ordinance 
and the story of its enactment. He explains, in a recent newspaper article, that 
this was necessary, owing to the great interest in segregation which has been aroused 
in the Democratic South since the passage of his ordinance. "It has kept me busy 
sending and explaining copies of the ordinance," said Samuel L. West. "I have 
never known an instance in which there was greater interest in a city ordinance." 

The ordinance may seem fair on its face, but that it is the result of race hatred 
for the Afro-American is evident from the i rguments of certain white property 
owners who presented a petition to the City Council urging the passage of the segre- 
gation ordinance because they were law abiding citizens who were entitled to dwell 
in peace and security, but whose property had been depreciated by an invasion of 
Negroes, induced by certain real estate agents who wished to buy their homes at 
reduced rates. 

The ordinance had the support of the Democratic press and people. The Repub- 
licans opposed it but as the Democrats had a majority in the City Council, T;hey 
were unable to prevent the passage of the ordinance. This is made clear on a note 
in the pamphlet: 

]Sote — All persons who voted for the ordinance are Democrats; all who voted 
against are Republicans. Mr. Jung, who was out of the room, and Messrs. Traut- 
felter, Frank and Heatwole, all of whom are Democrats, but who were unavoidably 
absent, declared themselves fully in favor of the ordinance. 



Present Number of Bills Inimical to the Afro-American People. Repeal of 

the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments Proposed by Congressman 

Hardwick of Georgia. Congressman Heflin of Alabama 

Wished to Provide Jim-Crow Cars in the 

District of Columbia 



For many years, the Democrats in Congress have introduced bills and joint 
resolutions inimical to the Afro-American people. They have been very active in 
the present Congress, now that they have the control of the House of Eepresentatives 
many bills antagonistic to the colored race have been presented to Congress. 

Because o fa Bepublican President and a Eepubliean Senate, it is impossible 
for them to enact any of their proposed measures into law but the fact that such 
legislation has been proposed and has in every instance been offered by a Democrat 
is proof that the Democratic party would enact inimical legislation if it had the 

On April 12, 1911, Congressman Hardwick, of Georgia introduced two joint 
resolutions, one H. J. Res. dO, proposing an amendment to repeal the Fourteenth 
Amendment to the Constitution, and one, H. J. Ees. 61, proposing the repeal of the 
Fifteenth Amendment to the Constitution. 

On April 18, 1911, Congressman Hardwick of Georgia introduced a bill, H. B. 
5,948, to prohibit in the District of Columbia the intermariage of whites with Negroes 
or Mongolians. 

On December 6, 1911, Congressman Heflin of Alabama introduced a Bill, H. R. 
14,680, providing that the street car companies of the District of Columbia shall 
provide separate street cars for White and Negro passengers. 

Before casting his ballot for the Democratic ticket every Afro-American voter 
should read the above a second time and then ask himself if it would be safe to aid 
in putting hostile Democrats into power. 


Copy of Joint Resolution Introduced in Congress by Congressman Hardwick, 

Democrat of Georgia. 


1st. Session. Xl. «J. JLtjUlO. OU 


April 12, 1911. 

Mr. Hardwick introduced the following joint resolution; which was referred to the 
Committee on Election of President, Vice President, and Repre- 
sentatives in Congress and ordered to be printed 

Proposing an amendment to the Constitution by providing that all of section two of 
the fourteenth amendment except its first sentence shall be repealed. 

1 'Resolved by the Senate and House of Eepresentatives of the United States 

2 of America in Congress assembled (two-thirds of each House concurring therein). 

3 That the following amendment to the Constitution be proposed to the legislatures 

4 of the several States, which, when ratified by three-fourths of the said legislatures, 

shall become and be a part of the Constitution, namely 

' That the fourteenth amendment to the Constitution of the United States 
be, and the same is hereby, repealed. ' ' 



Collector of Internal Revenue, 



Auditor for the Navy Department, 


Collector of Internal Revenue, Jack- 
sonville, Ela. 


Register of Land Office, Montgomery, 



How the Democratic Legislators of the South Endeavcr to Degrade and 
Humiliate the Afro-American. 

In their efforts to degrade and humiliate the race, the Democratic legislators 
of every Southern State have provided a system of ' ' jim crow ' ' cars for Afro- 

The laws say that the accomodations ' ' shall be equal, but separate. ". As a 
matter of fact, they are seldom equal and usually very inferior, especially on the 
smaller lines, where wornout cars, which are generally in a filthy condition, are 
for Afro-Americans. 

On the larger roads better cars are used, but the ' ' jim-crow ' ' car is generally 
placed next to the locomotive, where the occupants get the full benefit of the dust 
and smoke, and are in a dangerous position in case of accident. 

Several States have enacted laws forbidding sleeping, car companies to sell 
berths to Afro-Americans. 

These laws were not passed lor the reason that Southern Democrats are anxious 
to avoid close proximity to Afro-Americans, for servants are allowed under the law 
to ride in the same car with the whites. The idea, which is to humiliate the race, 
is clearly expressed by H. D. Wilson, a prominent Louisiana Democrat, greatly in- 
terested in ''jim-crow" legislation, who said: "It is not only the desire to separate 
the whites and blacks on the railroad for the comfort it will provide, but also for the 
moral effect. The separation of the races is one of benefit, but the demonstration of 
the superiority of the white man over the negro is a greater thing. There is nothing 
which shows it more conclusively than the compelling of negroes to ride in cars marked 
for their especial use. " 

Cattle Car Accommodations for Afro-Americans. 

The following from St. Luke Herald, Eichmond, Va., gives a good idea of the 
' 'jim-crow" accommodations provided for colored people in the Southern Democratic 
States : 

"In these warm and prespiring days Negroes are cooped up in the smallest 
possible space in one end of the baggage car. But they are not even allowed to 
occupy this limited space for the news butcher comes along and occupies two seats in 
the 'jim-crow' corner and the conductor generally occupies two seats with his be- 
longings usually just across from the newsboy. 

' ' The smoking department on the C. and O. trains is a stifling, narrow affair, 
into which four persons may squeeze and stifle should they desire to smoke. Usually 
one toilet of the narrowest dimensions and primitive appointments serves both male 
and female travelers. Dirty tin cups are sometimes furnished for drinking pur- 
poses, while the car just in the rear, or the car beyond the "white smoking car, 
generally has a lavatory with soap and towel and a glass for drinking purposes. 
The aisles in the White coaches are generally carpeted while the aisles in the ' Jim- 
Crow ' car are as innocent of carpet as the floor is of cleanliness." 


Of the United States Can Have No More Sacred Function than to Speak 
Words of Encouragement." 

"With your effort to uplift yourselves, I have the deepest sympathy. The 
President of the United States can have no more sacred function than to speak words 
of encouragement and hope to assist your own efforts. Fate in the past has not 
been kind to you, and the whole American people has the highest obligation of 
trusteeship and guardianship for your uplift. 

' ' I say to the colored men and women of this country that hard as your lot 
has been and hard as the road is likely to be, it will be a road onward if you abide 
by your consciences and by ideals of self restraint, and that you will attain a con- 
dition you hardly dream of to-day." — Address of President Taft to Afro-American 
citizens of Atlanta, Ga., at Bethel Church. 



Said President Taft in Recent Address, Believes That Race Needs Men in 

Learned Professions 


Every once in a "while you will meet a man whose vision is a bit clouded, who talks 
about the waste of money in teaching men of your race the curriculum of an aca- 
demic institution. Instead of sending them to the university, the claim has been made 
that they should he sent to manual training institutions. Such a man has never 
thought deeply on the subject and does not understand that as a race which is 
striving upward and onward you need many who shall be leaders — men who shall 
figure in the learned professions, many of them as physicians, as lawyers, and 
especially as ministers. 

Believes Race Has High Ideals. 

I believe in the higher education of the Negro so that the leaders of the Negro 
race may have high ideals, and I believe they have. I believe that they subscribe, 
as perhaps some other in our community life do not, to the majisty of the law and 
have respect for constituted authority. (Hearty applause,) and for our institutions 
under our Constitution as they are. (Hearty applause.) — President Taft at Howard 
University Meeting. 


Is What the Law Should Provide for All— The .Proposal to Repeal th« 
Fifteenth Amendment Dead Issue. 

I come at once to the present condition of things, stated from a constitutional 
and political stanpoint. And that is this: That in all the Southern States it is 
possible, by election laws prescribing proper qualifications for the suffrage, which 
square with the Fifteenth Amendment and which shall be equally administered as 
between the black and white races, to prevent entirely the possibility of a domination 
of Southern State, county or municipal governments by an ignorant electorate, white 
or black. It is further true that the sooner such laws, when adopted, are applied 
with exact equality and justice to the two races, the better for the moral tone of 
State and community concerned. Negroes should be given an opportunity equally 
with whites, by education and thirft, to meet the requirements of eligibility which 
the State legislatures in their wisdom shall lay down in order to secure the safe 
exercise of the electoral franchise. 

The proposal to repeal the Fifteenth Amendment is utterly impracticable and 
should be relegated to the limbo of forgotten issues. It is very certain that any 
party founded on the proposition would utterly fail in a national canvas. What we 
are considering is something practical, something that means attainable progress. 
All that the law or Constitution attempt to secure is equality of opportunity before 
the law and in the pursuit of happiness, and in the enjoyment of life, liberty and 
property. — From speech of President-elect W. H. Taft, at dinner of the North 
Carolina Society of New York. 

A Dare-Devil Menace to Our Control. 

"We thought then (in 1901, when the new Alabama Constitution disfranchising 
the Negro was under discussion), as we do now, that the menace to peace, the 
danger to society and white supremacy was not in the illiterate Negro, but in 
the upper branches of Negro society, the educated man, who, after ascertaining his 
political rights, forced the way to assert them. We, the Southern people, enter- 
tain no prejudice toward the ignorant per se inoffensive Nesrro. But our blood 
boils when the educated Negro asserts himself politically. We regard each as- 
sertion as an unfriendly encroachment upon our native superior rights, and a 
dare-devil menace to our control of the affairs of the state. Hence, we present 
that the way to avert the impending horrors is to emasculate the Negro politi- 
cally by repealing the 15th amendment of the Constitution of the United States. ' ' — 
Charles P. Lane, Editor Huntsville (Ala.) Daily Tribune. 



Said President Taft to the Delegates of the National Civil and Political 
League in Address at White House. 

Praises Firm Stand of the Afro-American Delegates at Chicago. Denounces 


About fifty of the delegates to the convention of the National Civil and Polit- 
ical Negro League which met in Washington in July, were received by President 
Taft at the White House, Thursday July 18, 1912. 

The President in a speech in the East Room publicly acknowledged his debt of 
gratitude to the Afro-American delegates to the Republican National Convention, 
pledged and instructed for him, who stood with the Taft forces through the fight. 
"You Stood Like a Rock/' 

' ' 1 want to say to you, ' ' said the President, ' ' how much I appreciate your 
standing firm in my behalf at a time when it was intimated to the country that we 
could not depend upon you. You demonstrated there your appreciation of the ac- 
complishments of the Republican party for your race in the past, and your abiding 
faith in its f urture friendship ; you stood like a solid rock. ' ' 
Bitterly Denounces Mob Law. 

With respect to lynchings the President said that every time opportunity pre- 
sented itself he had with as much emphasis as language would permit expressed him- 
self ' ' in condemnation of lynching. ' ' Mr. Taft said that it was a disgrace to the 
country, and the only cure was the conviction of the lynchers and the hanging of 
a few of them. He said that federal jurisdiction of lynching was not permissible 
under the Constitution, lynching being an ordinary crime, and that "such crimes 
under our form of government must be covered by state laws. ' ' 

The President suggested that the best way to stamp out this awful crime is 
by arousing public sentiment against it and ' ' administering certain and fitting punish- 
ment for those who are guilty. ' ' The President bitterly denounced mob law and said 
that petitions for Executive clemency to anyone guilty of lynching which might 
come before him will be received ' ' with that feeling on my part that there is no 
crime that ought to be more severely punished and more completely condemned. ' ' 
Rights of the Afro-American. 

The President took up the subject of general rights of the Afro- American, saying: 

' ' The Republican party ought to be maintained because of its useful past and its 
useful future. It has been t*_e party for the maintenance of the equal rights of tne 
Negro. It has not always succeeded in rounding out those rights in accordance 
with the letter of the Constitution, but it has accepted the responsibility, and every 
member of the party who is conscious of what it ought to stand for is ready to 
continue the fight for your constitutional rights. Recently we have had an agitation 
concerning an amendment to the Constitution which would affect the guarantee of 
life, liberty and property that we have all valued so highly, and which have come 
down to us from our ancestors. 


The Only Flag Ycu Know Is the Stars and Stripes — Ycu have Given Ycur 
Blcod in Defense cf the Flag. 

' ' The idea that the South can afford, ' ' said Mr. Taft, ' ' to have the Afro- 
American transplanted to rome other country, to me always sound d like a joke. 
They tried that down in Mississippi, and they mere going to move them, not out of 
the country to Africa but only across the river, and they had a riot. Of course, 
that is absurd. 

1 want to ao.^ that I always want to say before an Afro-American audience 
that you are Americans. The idea of transplanting you is utterly absurd. The only 
flag you know is the Stars and Stripes, and you are of a race that has given up 
their lives and moistened the ground with their blood in defense of that flag, and 
will continue to do so. ' ' — Address of President Taft at Y. M. C. A., Augusta, Ga. 



About Afro-Americans in the Service of the United States Government Under 
Republican Administration. 

There are 417 Afro- American employees in the New York City post Office, 
drawing annual salaries aggregating in round numbers, $396,300. 

Public school officials and teachers receiving from $500 per annum to $3,000 
per annum, 566 in number, with an aggregate annual compensation of $537,000, are 
employed under the Government of the District of Columbia. 

There are 1,529 Afro-Americans enlisted in the United States Navy, receiving 
an aggregate salary of $678,000. 

One hundred and seventy-three Afro-Americans employed in the St. Louis, Mo., 
Post Office, draw salaries aggregating $152,000, annually. 

In Eichmond, Virginia, Post Office there are 87 Afro- American employees whose 
salaries aggregate $78,500, annually. 

Sixty-six Afro-Americans are employed in the Louisville, Kentucky, Post Office, 
and they are paid salaries amounting to $59,440 annually. 

There are 36 colored employees in the Cleveland, Ohio, Post Office, who draw 
salaries aggregating $35,500 annually. 

Mr. James A. Cobb, Special District Attorney for the District of Columbia, 
prepares cases for prosecution under the Pure Food Law, and has charge of natura- 
lization and forfeited bond cases. 

Mr. Mifflin W. Gibbs was elected City Judge of Little Eock, Arkansas, by the 
Eepublicans of that city in 1873, and was the first man of the race to be so honored. 

S. L. Williams, Esq., Special Assistant District Attorney at Chicago, is an Afro- 
American. He has charge of important special work. 

Twelve Afro-American employees in the Wilmington, Delaware, Post Office, are 
paid salaries aggregating $11,000 annually. 

There are fifty-seven colored employees in the Mobile, Alabama, Post Office, who 
receive annually $56,533. 

The colored employees in the Washington Office of the Isthmian Canal Commission, 
receive annually salaries amounting to $7,200. 

In the Post Office at Brooklyn, New York, there are 18 Afro-American employees 
whose salaries aggregate $16,120 annually. 

There are 8 Afro- American employees in the Hartford, Conn., Post Office, and 
they draw salaries aggregating $9,300, annually. 

All of the letter carriers at Jackson, Mississippi, are Afro-Americans. There 
are in all 33 colored employees in the U. S. service and their annual salaries 
aggregate $29,200. 

The 43 railway postal clerks in Lousiana, running out of New Orleans, receive 
$49,800 in salaries annually. 

In the Chicago Post Office there are 605 Afro-American employees whose annual 
salaries aggregate $554,300. 

Eight Afro-Americans employed in the penitentiary service under the Depart- 
ment of Justice — 4 at Atlanta, Ga., and 4 at Leavenworth, Kansas, receive $7,780 in 
annual salaries. 



Makes Infamous Speech in Congress Against Colored Race While Attempting 
to "Jim Crow" Afro-American Veterans. 

On May 10, 1912, Congressman Eoddenbery, a Georgia Democrat, made an 
unsuccessful attempt to compel the Government to create "Jim Crow" Soldiers' 
homes throughout the country for Afro-Americans veterans. The House had under 
consideration at the time the conference report on the Sherwood Pension bill 
(H. K. 24016) granting pensions and increase of pensions to certain soldiers and 
sailors of the Civil War and certain widows and dependent children of soldiers 
and sailors of said war. Eoddenbery offered an amendment, which provided that no 
pensions should be allowed inmates of national soldiers' homes unless whites and 
blacks are cared for in separate domiciles and grounds. 

In support of his contention Eoddenbery made a vile speech against the Afro- 
American race, which was promptly answered by Congressman Martin B. Madder 
of Illinois. 

As Eoddenbery 's speech shows something of the attitude of the Democratic party 
toward the colored man, it is copied verbatim from the Congressional Eecord. 

Mr. Finley. Has the gentleman seen or heard of that famous picture of the 
ex-President of the United States charging up San Jaun on a black charger, 
when there was not a horse within 40 miles of that battle ground? 

Mr. Eoddenbery. I have not seen the picture. I do not know whether it is so 
or not, but that black charger brings this to mind: If you really want to do some- 
thing for these good Spanish War boys, go down here to this Pension Office and take 
out the Africans, turn them out of their jobs, and give the places to our Spanish War 
soldiers, and keep them there as long as they are able to work and labor. Let them 
administer a Caucasian government supported by Caucasian taxpayers. When they 
get too old, if indigent, then consider pensioning them; then go down Pennsyl- 
vania Avenue to this massive War and Navy Building, walk up and down the aisles, 
and take those black sons of the cocoanut region who sit there with big brown drops 
of sweat coming out of their foreheads, kick them out, and put these old veterans of 
the Civil War there by those tables, at those telephones under those electric fans, 
and as long as they are able to labor let them have the benefit of the Nation's offices 
and gratitude. You have taken those old heroes of that great struggle and sent them 
out to labor and toil to pay taxes to support these Africans, for whom they offered 
their lives that they might be free. If you have anything to give out, go to the sons 
of these veterans of the Civil War and bring them from the mine, bring them from 
the field and shop and fill these negroes' places with them. Let not the old pioneer 
of this country at 90 years of age be felling a tree in the forest, where by reason of 
his infirmity he drops dead beneath its shock. Give him and his kind a quiet and 
easy position now enjoyed by a "kinky head." 

Take this class of men in their infirmity and give them these do-nothing, sitting- 
down jobs, and turn this mixed brood of African tree climbers out to earn a living 
on the farms and in the fields. (Laughter). You can fool the white people of this 
country no longer by putting a fellow here and there in an office and giving him a 
salary and telling him how he shall vote. They are tired being paid off with $50 jobs 
while the African draws $100. Times are changed and the sons of these old veterans 
are not going to stand for it any longer. They are not going to let their fathers go 
out and fight for four years to give the Ethiopian liberty and then submit to our 
taxing them the balance of their lives to give back Africans jobs in all these 
departments around here. So if you want to do something for the Spanish War 
soldier and the son of a veteran of the Civil War and the old veteran himself, fire 
these political signposts out. There are about 50,000 of them drawing all the way 
from $3,000 to $300. Put the Anglo-Saxon in. They are honorable; they are our 
blood. They helped save this country, if saved it was. They have made this country 
and will perpetuate it. Do something for them now. Turn Africa out and let 
America in. This ebony-hued tribe have thousands of comfortable positions, sitting 
on plush-bottom chairs, with feet resting on stone tiling, with ears listening to the 
hum of the electric fans while pictures of our mighty men are hanging on the walls 
around them. Year in and year out these black-tinted Africans, emitting the com- 
pound aroma of cucumber and onion, do nothing and draw salaries, and my people 
and yours labor to furnish the gold to pay them with. Go down to the Bureau 


of Printing and Engraving where there stands a pure white girl working day by day 
and next to her a black negro working day by day — 

The SPEAKER. The time of the gentleman has expired. 

Mr. Eoddenbery. Fire them out! Fire them out! Fire them out! 
(Laughter) if you have got Caucasian blood in your veins kick them out. In their 
places establish the soldier, his sons, and his daughters, the builders and the 
preservers of this Republic. 


Congressman Madden of Illinois Defends the Afro-Amercian Against the 
Georgian and Lauds the Heroes of the Race. 

Congressman Martin B. Madden of Illinois replied a sfollows: 

I am astonished that any man on this floor would introduce such an amendment 
as this to a bill seeking to pay pensions to soldiers who served their country. I can 
not sit here without saying a word in opposition to such an amendment. It ought 
not to be considered by the House for a moment. I hope with all my heart that every 
vote in the House will be cast against it. No men fought more bravely than the 
black men. They are entitled to their full share of credit for preserving the Nation. 
You say their liberties were at stake 1 Yes ; and so was the liberty of every other person 
in the land. Thank God the close of the war brought liberty alike to the North and 
to the South, to the whites and to the blacks, and that today we live in a land where 
slavery is no more, where every citizen is a sovereign. I grieve to see the gentleman 
from Georgia express such bitterness toward the Negro. He should be one of the 
colored man's ablest defenders. He should be advocating measures to help the Negro 
to help himself. The Afro-American has made wonderful progress considering his 
lack of opportunity. He is a good citizen, a gallant • soldier. He should be encour- 
aged, not reviled. 

Who led the successful charge at El Caney at San Juan Hill? Was it not the 
colored man? Who questioned his color then? Did anyone revile him? Not at all. 
All praised his valor, all applauded his intrepidity. He is brave, he is fearless, he is 
easily led, he makes a good soldier, he is entitled to be honored no less than his 
white brother. The colored veteran soldier should receive the same tender care in 
his declining years that we are proud to accord to the white men who rendered equal 
service to the Nation. We should know no color in ministering to the wants of those 
who gave their all in defense of the country. Who made the Nation great? Who 
made us one people, inseparable now and forever? Who questioned the color of the 
soldier's skin when he enlisted to fight for the preservation of the Union? (Applause.) 
No man cared whether he was colored or white. The question then was, Was he a 
patriot, was he willing to give his life to the service of his country? He offered all 
he had when he offered his life. The country owes him a debt of gratitude for the 
work he did in the dark days of trouble. 

Gentlemen, strike down the color line. Defeat the amendment offered by the 
gentleman from Georgia, and let the news spread into every home in this broad land 
of the free that Congress will tolerate no discrimination in the treatment of the 
country's veteran soldiers on account of the color of their skin. (Applause) 

The fundamental law of the United States prohibits slavery and involuntary 
servitude, but in portions of the South where the Democrats rule, lawless people 
have taken advantage of the lax observance of civil rights as applied to the Afro- 
American and have held their darker-hued brethren in a state of peonage. This 
practice has been very common, but under the Taft Administration, the Depart- 
ment of Justice has prosecuted a number of the miscreants, who may now be ad- 
dressed "Care Federal Prison, Atlanta, Ga. " Peonage is not so popular as it used 
to be in the Democratic South. 

- ' President Taft has denounced lynching in more vigorous terms than any other 
President. He advocated the rope for lynchers. 

-••""' Tn : Cuba 'the' Afro- American soldiers astonished the world by their bravery arid 
''ebdlness under fire. They were fighting to free the beautiful isle from the 

Spanish yoke. It was a Republican President, McKinley, .who commissioned 266 

men of the race to lead their men to battle, 



Afro-American Delegates to the Republican National Convention at Chicago. 

Stood Firm for Taft Although Roosevelt Agents Offered Strong 

Inducements for them to Desert the President. 

The renomination of President Taft was to a large extent made possible by 
the unwavering loyalty of the great body of Afro-American delegates, who held 
the balance of power in the Chicago convention. Although Eoosevelt agents held out 
inducements of every kind for them to desert the President, they spurned the offers 
and voted as they were instructed for William Howard Taft. 

Just before the convention stories were circulated by the enemies of the race 
that the Afro-American delegates were venal and would desert the President when the 
crisis came, but to their everlasting credit be it said that they proved faithful to 
their trusts. In addition to the great work for their country in voting for the 
renomination of a great and good President, they rendered a distinct service to their 
people by demonstrating to the world that their honor was unpurchasable. 


All Republicans. No Afro-American Democrat Ever Sat in the National 


A score of Afro- Americans have had the honor to sit in the Congress of the United 
States, and every one was sent there by the Eepublican party. No colored man 
has ever been elected to Congress on the Democratic ticket. 

Here the names of those who were elected and seated. A number of Afro- 
Americans have been elected to Congress, who were not seated. 


Hiram E. Eevels of Mississippi. 

Blanche K. Bruce of Mississippi. 

E. H. Cain or South Carolina. 

Henry P. Cheatham of North Carolina. 

Eobert C. DeLarge of South Carolina. 

Eobert Brown Elliott of South Carolina. 

Jere Haralson of Alabama. 

John H. Hyman of North Carolina. 

James E. O'Hara of North Carolina. 

John E. Lynch of Mississippi. 

John M. Langston of Virginia. 

Thomas E. Miller of South Carolina. 

George W. Murray of South Carolina. 

Charles E. Nash of Louisiana. 

Joseph H. Eainey of South Carolina. 

Benjamin S. Turner of Alabama. 

Josiah T. Walls of Florida. 

George H. White of North Carolina. 

Jefferson H. Long of Georgia. 

James T. Eapier of Alabama. 

Alonzo J. Eansier of South Carolina. 

The First Afro-American Senator. 

The first Afro-American who ever sat in the United States Senate as a duly 
qualified member was Hiram E. Eevels. He was elected by the Legislature of 
Mississippi, and he served from February, 1870 to March of the next year. 

Eevels was born in North Carolina, of free parents, in 1822; and desiring 
'in education, he went to Indiana, where he attended the Quaker College at Liberty. 
L<ater he studied at Knox College, in Illinois, and in 1847 he became a preacher in the 
kfrican Methodist Episcopal Church. He went about the country speaking about 
slavery, and at the breaking out of the war he organized Negro regiments in Mis- 
souri and Maryland. In 1869 he went to Natchez, Miss., where he was elected a 
Inember of the city council. His next office was that of United States Senator. 



Late Commissioner to Liberia. 

Postmaster, Mound Bayou, Miss. 

: ':'' • ; *' 




Bevenue Agent, New York City. 

Eeceiver of Public Moneys, Little 

Rock. Ark. 


On Recent Events Which Show the Unfriendly Democratic Attitude toward 
the Afro-American People of the Country. 

In Alabama Congressman Underwood says the Negro "does not count for any- 
thing politically." 

Louisiana has a colored population of more than j.50,000 of voting age, of which 
number nearly 70,000 can read and write, yet in the general election of 1908 only 
1,743 were registered as voters, and nearly all of these were victims of Louisiana's 
minority ' ' white primary. ' ' 

Judge Cochran of Atlanta, Ga., wanted to throw out a vote cast by a Negro, 
and said that it made no difference for whom the Negro voted, and that his 
being a democrat gave him no right to cast a ballot in a strictly white primary. 

The Virginia Senate recently passed a bill which permits any city or town 
within the State to segregate Afro-Americans. 

The Maryland House of Delegates defeated by a vote of 76 to 11 the Anti- 
Lynching Bill. It was argued by one of the opponents of the bill that although 
' ' Ohio and Illinois have this bill in their statutes, but there isn 't a Southern S^ate 
that has it and I believe there are good reasons why all of them should not. I don't 
think Maryland wants to begin this." 

A bill has been passed by the Democratic legislature of Louisiana which 
authorizes any city or town in that state to segregate homes of Afro-Americans by 
refusing building permits. 

In Senator Tillman's state of South Carolina the jim-crow steam railroad law 
h is been in effect for many years. Now an effort is being made to separate the races 
on the street railway cars. 

In a Southern Democratic city a mass meeting was held in a CHURCH, at 
which resolutions were passed pledging signers to refrain from selling their property 
to Negroes if that property adjoins property in the possession of white persons. 

The Attorney-General of Texas has handed down an opinion that Afro-Americans 
may be prohibited from voting at ' ' white ' ' primaries. 


Democratic Senator Newlands Talks in United States Senate in Favor of 
Restricting Suffrage to White Race. 

In the discussion in the Senate August 24, on the general deficiency bill, Senator 
Newlands, who presented a plank to the Baltimore convention dealing with the 
race question, laid the foundation for the future consideration of that subject, 
which, he said, he believed was bound to become one of the most serious problems 
the American people would be called upon to solve. 

' ' For many years, ' ' said Senator Newlands, ' ' I have been profoundly impressed 
by the radical complications of the United States, holding within its boundaries, as 
it does, nearly 12,000,000 of blacks, and facing on the Pacific hundreds of millions 
of people of the brown and yellow races, who look upon the United States as the 
promised land of opportunity. 

1 i At the Baltimore Democratic convention I presented a platform plank proposing 
to restrict suffrage in an immigration to this country to people of the white race. 
Roosevelt Changes Views. 

''Later Mr. Roosevelt, whose views regarding the right of the blacks in the 
South have hitherto been in marked hostility to the prevailing sentiment of the 
South, astonished the country by his declaration in favor of organizing a Progressive 
party as a white party in the South and as a white and black party in the North. 



Attorney General Wickersham Victorious in His Battle for His Afro-Ameri- 
can Assistant Attorney General W. H. Lewis. 

Backed by President Taft, Attorney General Wickersham has for many 
months made a determined fight against the color-line and at the meeting of 
the American Bar Association of Milwaukee August 27, he scored a great 
victory when the Association voted to retain as members: William H. Lewis, 
Assistant Attorney General of the United States, Butler R. Wilson of Boston 
and Wm. R. Morris of Minneapolis. 

The executive committee, headed by S. S. Gregory, of Chicago, president 
of the association, presented a special report, declaring it has been against the 
association's policy to admit colored members, and saying that Lewis, Wilson, 
and Morris were seated on recommendations of local councils without the 
fact that they were Afro-Americans being made generally known. The report 
asserted the eligibility of the men to membership is not affected by the report, 
and leaves open the question whether the association wants to admit Afro- 
Americans hereafter. 

Ralph W. Breckinridge, of Omaha, Nebr., submitted a minority report, 
opposing the committee's action revoking the election of the colored men. 


Democratic Senator Hoke Smith of Georgia Would Have No Afro-Americans 
on the Force in the Capital City. 

Senator Hoke Smith, of Georgia, appeared in the police court at Washington, 
D. C, July 8, 1912, as counsel for Grover Kelly, a young white boy of Macon, Ga., 
who had been arrested by a colored policeman for making remarks derogatory to 
colored bluecoats in general. 

Senator Smith was accompanied by Eepresentatives Bartlett and Hughes, of Geor- 
gia. They learned that Kelly, who came to Washington last week to be a chauffer, 
had wandered down by the Potomac last Sunday morning early to watch some 
fishermen. Seeing a colored policeman, he expressed surprise, and remarked that 
such a sight would not be tolerated in the South, and for a colored policeman to 
attempt to arrest a white man would start a riot. 

Find No Case Docketed. 

This remark was repeated to the policeman by one of the onlookers, and the 
guardian of the law applied his night stick to the young man and took him to 
the nearest precinct, from where he was later released on a cash bond. 

When the three Georgia legislators walked into the police station they were 
told that no case had been docketed, and that the cash collateral had been returned 
to Kelly. They then went into executive session with the district attorney, and 
expressed their opinion of colored policemen in general. 

Opposed to Colored Police. 

"If this Negro policeman had wanted to prosecute this young white boy, he 
could probably have brought in a half dozen witnesses to swear that Kelly was the 
aggressor," said Senator Smith. "But I want to tell you that I would take the 
word of this good boy, whom I know, in preference to that of 100 policemen. 

"I am opposed to the practice of having colored policemen in the District. It 
is a source of danger bv constantly engendering racial friction, and is offensive 
to thousands of Southern white people who make their homes here. These places 
ought to be filled by good white men." 

Not a Mistake to give Citizenship. 

1 ' Instead of asserting that it was a mistake to give the Afro-American the rights 
of citizenship, we should devote all our thought and energies to raising him to 
the point to qualify him to exercise his precious right. We should educate him and 
do everything in our power to make a good citizen of him. He needs encouragement, 
and we' owe it to ourselves to do all in our power to elevate him. ' '—Senator Shelby 
M. Cullom of Illinois. 



About Afro-Americans in the Service of the United States Government Under 
Republican Administration. 

Mr. H. H. Garner an Afro-American entered the postal service at Little Eock 
in 1890 when he was appointed letter carrier. The force then consisted of nine 
carriers. Mr. Garner in now Superintendent of Carriers. There are now 46 Afro- 
American employees whose salaries aggregate $43,700 per annum. 

The 60 letter carriers employed in the Post Office at Memphis Tenn., receive 
salaries aggregating $64,400 per annum. 

T. J. Galbreath, Deputy Marshal of the Federal Court at New Orleans, La., 
receives a salary of $1,400 per annum. Eight bailiffs receive an aggregate annual 
compensation of $5,313. 

In taking the Thirteenth Decennial Census in 1910, there were employed in the 
Census Bureau of the Department of Commerce and Labor at Washington, 273 Afro- 
Americans as temporary clerks and they received salaries aggregating $288,101. 

According to the Kebellion Becords there were 186,017 Afro- American soldiers 
enlisted in the Union Army for the civil war. It is estimated that there are now 
living between 37,000 and 38,000 Afro-American pensioners. There are 93 Afro- 
American employees in the Pension Bureau drawing $89,340 in salaries annually.. 

Dr. S. L. Carson, Assistant Surgeon of Freedman's Hospital receives a salary 
of $1,500 per annum. Dr. George W. Davis, anaesthetist receives $1,200 per annum. 

The Afro- Americans employed under the Eevenue Cutter Service in the Treasury 
Department at the port of Wilmington, N. C, receive compensation to the amount 
of $3,000 annually. 

The 14 colored letter carriers employed at the Muskogee, Okla., Post Office 
receive $13,400 annually in salaries. 

The Afro-American employees under the Treasury Service at Charleston, S.C., 
are paid aggregate annual salaries of $3,480. 

Mr. H. C. Cantwell is correspondence and account current clerk in the U. S. 
Custom Service at Key West, Florida. 

The aggregate annual salaries of the 16 Afro- American employees in the Galves- 
ton Post Office amount to $15,120. 

The Afro-Americans employed under the Treasury Department in Pensacola, 
Fla., are paid $3,660 annually. 

There are 7 Afro-American carriers in the Post Office at Greenville Miss., and 
their annual salaries aggregate $6,300. 

The Afro-American employed under the Treasury Department at Jacksonville, 
Fla., receive $6,140 annually. 

- The aggregate salaries of the regular clerks and carriers in the Post Office at 
St. Paul, Minn., amount to $14,400 annually. - •■' - ■■'-■ ' : ■■■;: -..'.- 

The colored employees under the service of the Treasury Department at' Dayton, 
Ohio, receive annual salaries amounting to $2,500. 

The Post Master and all of the employees of the Beaufort, S. C. Post Office 
are Afro-Americans. 



In 1865 and 1866, the Southern legislatures composed entirely of Democrats 
passed a series of infamous laws, known as the Black Codes. We give a few 
extracts : 

South Carolina. 

Extracts from an Act to Establish and Eegulate Domestic Eelations of Persons 
of Color. (Approved December 21, 1865.) 

Contracts for Service. 

Sec 35. All persons of color who make contracts for service or labor shall be 
known as servants, and those with whom they contract shall be known as masters. 

Sec. 43. No written contract shall be required when the servant voluntarily 
receives no remuneration except food and clothing. 

Sec. 45. On farms or in outdoor service, the hours of labor shall be from 
sunrise to sunset. 

See. 46. All lost time, not caused by the act of the master may be deducted 
from the wages of the servant; and food, nursing and other necessaries for the 
servant, whilst he is absent from work on account oi sickness, may also be deducted 
from his wages. 

Sec. 47. Visitors or other persons shall not be invited or allowed by the servant to 
come or remain upon the premises of the master without his express permission. 

Sec. 49. Servants shall not be absent from the premises without the permission 
of the master. 

Sec. 50. The master shall not be liable to pay for any additional or extraordin- 
ary services or labor of his servants, the same being necessary, unless by his express 

Sec. 52. Instead of discharging the servant, the master may complain to the 
district judge or one of the magistrates, who shall have the power, on being satisfied 
of the misconduct complained of to inflict, or cause to be inflicted on the servant, 
suitable corporal punishment, or impose upon him such pecuniary fine as may be 
thought fit, and immediately to remand him to his work; which fine shall be deducted 
from his wages, if not otherwise paid. 

Sec. 57. The master shall not be bound to furnish medicine or medical assis- 
tance for his servant, without his express agreement. 

Sec. 72. No person of color shall pursue or practice the art, trade, or business 
of an artisan, mechanic or shopkeeper, or any other trade, employment or business 
(except that of husbandry or that of a servant under contract for service or labor), 
on his own account and for his own benefit, until he shall have obtained a license 
therefor from the judge of the district court, which license shall be good for one 
year only, upon the payment by the applicant to the clerk of the district court of 
one hundred dollars, if a shopkeeper or peddler, to be paid annually, and ten dollars 
if a mechanic, or to engage in any other trade. 

Sec. 79. Leases of a house or land to a person of color shall be in writing. If 
there be no written lease, or the term of the lease shall have expired, a person of 
color in possession shall be a tenant at will, and shall not be entitled to notice; and 
on complaint by any person interested to the judge of the district court or a 
magistrate such person of color shall be instantly .ejected by order or warrant, unless 
he produce a written lease authorizing his possession, or prove that such writting 
existed and was lost. 

Afro- Americans in close Congressional districts should work hard to elect Ee- 
publican Congressmen. We cannot afford to lose a single district. A Eepublican 
Congress is needed to uphold a Eepublican President. 

The Democratic South has already disfranchised the Afro-American. Now 
many prominent Democrats in the North and West as well as in the South, favor 
the repeal of the fifteenth amendment. 

About 500,000 Afro-American young men will be eliHHe to oast their first 
presidential votes in November, and if they are wise they'll begin life right by voting 
the Eepublican ticket. 

President Taft stands for the higher education of -the Afro-American people. 



Southern Colored Delegates to the Roosevelt Convention at Chicago Barred 
by His Order. Color Line Sharply Drawn. The Boasted 
Open Door Now Closed. 


Like Slaveholders of Old Days Before the War, Said, When Asked About 
Holding Men in Bondage, Roosevelt Said, "It is For Their Own Good." 


Theodore Eoosevelt, in a letter to Julian Harris of Atlanta, written a few days 
before the Eoosevelt convention at Chicago, made it plain that the Eoosevelt party 
would have two distinct policies on the race question — one for Afro-Americans in 
the North and an entirely different policy for the race in the South, whose votes, 
where they have any, can do his party no good. 

Colored men from the South, he intimated, would be unwelcome, if not barred 
j as delegates to the Bull Moose National Convention. Colored delegates, however, 
! would be welcomed and recognized as on an equal footing with white men in those 
i states where the party, by the aid of Afro-American ballots stands a chance to 
| win. Venality in Eepublican National Conventions for many years was charged 
i against the Southern Negro. He declared there is no real Eepublican party in the 
j South and that colored delegates selected represented nothing more than their own 
i greed for money or office. 

I II. 

When the Eoosevelt convention met in Chicago, August 5, the programme as 
; laid down by Eoosevelt was carried out to the letter and colored delegates from the 
South were barred for no other reason than the color of their skins. 

P. W. Howard, one of the colored delegates, in voicing his protest said: 

"Now we are told that for political expediency the colored man is not to be 

recognized in the South. We are told that Theodore Eoosevelt is a second Lincoln. 

Lincoln was the man who enfranchised us, but this committee acting in the name of 

, Theodore Eoosevelt, now seeks to disfranchise us. We are told that we are not wanted, 

| not because we are not good citizens, not because we are not Progressives, but be- 

j cause we are colored. ' ' Many other colored delegates protested against the color 

line being drawn, but all of the colored delegates from the South were barred from 

the convention by order of Eoosevelt. 


Col. Eoosevelt during his "confession of faith" in the convention August 6, 
was heckled by a spectator, who interrupted him with the demand: "What about 
the Negro question?" Eoosevelt proceeded at length to state his views on the 
race question, upholding his action in barring the Southern colored delegates and 
stating that he did it for their own good. 


In an interview given out by Theodore Eoosevelt, at Oyster Bay, August 10, 
he admits that his party faced a monentary crisis in Chicago over the color problem. 
' ' I felt, ' ' said the Colonel, ' ' that the time had come to put a party in the field 
that was unsullied by the taint of the vicious, selfish type of black. When I got to 
Chicago, I found that we were on the verge of the breaking point because of the 
stand I had taken. I was advised that it was wrong to attempt any discrimination 
at all against the blacks. To these well-meaning people I replied that the new party 
had to face the problem of holding out against the type of colored men who stood 
for nothing in our political life but selfish office seeking, who fastened himself to 
the party for what he could get out of it. * * * * I told them we're to leave it 
to the Southern States, as our party advanced, to determine what colored men ought 
, to be allowed in and whom we were to exclude. * * * * After serious conference 
I there in Chicago, those who had opposed me came to see that it was right and we 
| took a solid stand in the convention * * * * We are sure to attract to our cause 


men who believe that the black can best be helped by putting him on his own honor. 
* * * * I felt that as the leader of the Progressive party I must take the initiative 
in the race problem. 7 ' 

The so-called Progressive convention which met in Chicago, August 5, was ab- 
solutely dominated by Theodore Eoosevelt and the barring of the Southern colored 
delegates was done by his explicit command. 

He was willing to bar the Southern colored man because already he is practi- 
cally disfranchised and his vote does not count anyway, but was careful to 
welcome the colored delegates from the states in which colored men were permitted 
to vote and whose votes would be likely to aid the Bull Moose party. Would Abraham 
Lincoln, with Avhom he is wont to compare himself have resorted to such political 
expediency ? 

Is it true as Roosevelt says, that Southern colored men are vicious and venal? 
The facts in the case prove to the contrary. 

A large proportion of the really great men of the race, men who labored earn- 
estly and unselfishly for the uplift of the Afro-American people were born in the 

The delegates to the Republican National Convention at Chicago in June, were 
men of the highest character, men who raised the race in the esteem of the world, 
by their firm stand for President Taft, for whom they were instructed, in spite of 
the fact that Roosevelt's agents offered many and strong inducements for them to 
barter their honor. 

The Southern colored delegates to the Roosevelt convention were men of high 
standing in their respective communities, but they were barred from participation 
in the convention, not because they were venal and vicious but solely on account of 

A large majority of the Afro- Americans, President Taft has honored by appoint- 
ments to office, were born in the South. They have administered their offices honestly 
and efficiently, with credit to themselves and honor to their race. Many of these men 
have been prominent in the Republican party in the South. Does Mr. Roosevelt mean 
that the§e men are venal and vicious? 

Before the war of the rebellion, it was a common thing for the slaveholders to 
say that the slaves were kept in bondage "for their own good," and now comes Col. 
Roosevelt and uses the same argument in defending his highhanded action in depriv- 
ing colored men of representation -in his convention. And Roosevelt would leave to 
each individual Southern state "to determine what colored men ought to be allowed 
in and whom to exclude." How great the contrast between this statement and 
his "Door of Hope" letter. 

Theodore Roosevelt by his stand in the race question in the formation of his 
new party is revealed as one of the most dangerous foes the Afro-American people 
has ever had in this country. 

Would Oppose Bills Compelling Negroes to Educate Children. 

In the Alabama Legislature when a compulsory education law was being dis- 
cussed, Senator Thomas said he would oppose any bills that would compel Negroes 
to educate their children, for it had come to his knowledge that Negroes would 
give the clothing off their backs to send their children to school, while too often 
the white man, secure in his supremacy, would be indifferent to his duty. 

Tillman's Talk. 
"If a white man comes to vote, we ask him if he can read — if not, there is a 
provision of the law which makes a voter of a man who can understand a clause of 
the Constitution, and such a white man gets a simple little clause — as simple as 
' ' Mary had a little lamb. ' ' But when the Negro comes along — well, if I was on the 
board he'd get the most involved clause in the whole Constitution. 'I can't under- 
stand that,' he says. 'All right, trot back to the cotton field.' And that's the end 
of it." 

Mr. Emmett J. Scott, who was appointed Commissioner to Liberia by President 
Taft has written a monograph, "Is Liberia Worth Saving?" which gives many 
interesting facts about the country and is a strong defense of the Liberians. 



Afro-American Newspapers All Over the United States Bitterly Resent the 

Colonel's Attempt to Disfranchise the Race. No Self-Respecting Man 

Can Support the Bull Moose Candidate. Will Stick to 

Republican Party. 

Should Vote for Taft. 
Those Republicans who prefer the election of a Democrat may join the Bull Moose party 
and vote for Roosevelt, but if they wish to perpetuate Republican principles they should vote 
for Taft. — American Baptist, Louisville, Ky. 

Defeat Surely Awaits It. 
We are as much as told that the Bull Moose party is a white man's party. L,et it be 
such ; for we believe that defeat surely awaits it. — Western Outlook, San Francisco, Cal. 

Afro-American's Hat Kicked Out of Ring. 
Colonel Roosevelt by his Progressive party seeks to arouse race animosities and face hatred? 
It does not seem so if such a policy as he has adopted is carried out. This paper cannot 
endorse the Progressive party and the erratic doctrines it typifies in its platform. The 
Afro-American's hat is kicked out of the ring so far as the Progressive party is concerned. — 
Philadelphia Courant. 

A Step Toward Complete Disfranchisement. 
Colonel Roosevelt's position is a long step toward the complete disfranchisement of the 
colored man in this counrty. Any man who cannot realize this has a dull conception and a blunt 
intellect. — The Richmond (Va.) Planet. 

Stands for Repeal of War Amendments. 
A few years ago he was preaching political "equality" and a "square deal" for the Negro. 
To-day he practically stands for the disfranchisement of the Negro and the ultimate repeal of 
the Fourteenth and Fifteenth amendments to the Constitution. — Independent, Denver, Col. 

Would be Unworthy if We Deserted the Republican Party. 
No political party has ever succeeded that was brought into existence for the benefit of 
one race. No political party can succeed that is not possessed of some heighth and breadth 
of principles. To desert the Republican party, which has done so much for our race would 
make us more than derelict, and unworthy of enjoying what this party has done for us. — The 
American, Wagoner, Okla. 

We Must Dispose of Roosevelt in November. 
Any colored man who will vote for Theodore Roosevelt after his Chicago action ought to 
be disfranchised. We must dispose of Roosevelt in November, and we call upon every colored 
man in this country to rise up in the dignity of your power and help retire to private life, 
once and for all this big wind jammer, who is going up and down the country sowing seeds of 
discord in a peaceful nation. — The Rhode Island Independent. 

A White Man's Party. 
The Bull Moose third party that was placed on the tablet of ice this week at Chicago, 
with Colonel Roosevelt as the big chunk, declared by their refusal to allow Negro delegates 
to have seats in this Convention that it was a white man's party. — Zanesville (Ohio) Advocate. 

Self-Respecting Men Will Resent Insult. 
Of course, a few preachers and political bishops and other mercenary professionals, who 
are out for a tainted dollar, will boot-lick and follow him, but the manly men, the self-respecting 
men, the manhood of the race, will resent the Colonel's insinuation and insult, and will vote the 
Democratic ticket before they will support Theodore Roosevelt. — The Atlanta Independent, 
Atlanta, Ga. 

Roosevelt's Amazing Utterance. 
The most amazing utterance ever made in the United States by a public man of com- 
manding position in politics was the speech which Roosevelt delivered before the Progressive 
Tuesday. In short, it means that he wishes to change our form of government through revolu- 
toin. — The Enterprise, Omaha, Neb. 

Will Be Repudiated by Every Self-Respecting Negro. 
His thin-veiled scheme to "catch 'em gwine and comin' " will deceive nobody but 
the fellow who wants to be fooled, and will be repudiated by every self-respecting Negro in 
this country. Senator Lafollette never spoke a greater truth than when he said Theodore 
Roosevelt is an opportunist, a policy man. He will go down in history as the most reckless 
political trickster of the twentieth century. — The Torchlight, Danville, Ky. 

Bull Moose Party Progressing Backward. 
The Bull Moose party of Progressives seem to be progressing backward, as far as th* 
Afro-Americans' interests are concerned. The Colorado Statesman voices the sentiments of the 
leading colored citizens of Colorado when it says that we are satisfied with the Republican 
ticket, led by President Taft, who has made good, and is worthy of our support. — Th« 
Colorado Statesman. 

Will Bitterly Resent Exclusion of the Race. 
Colonel Roosevelt and his third party will find that the Afro-American in the North and 
West resents bitterly the exclusion of his Southern brother from that party. — St. I,ouis Argus. 


The White Man's Party. 
It is not too much to say that the moral sentiment of the nation has been shoeked, as it 
has not been since the delivery of Chief Justice Taney of the Dred Scott decision, in 1856, 
that *;it is held to be good law and precedent that the black man has no rights that the white 
man is bound to respect." It has been shocked by a reaffirmation of the sentiment by a 
former President of the Republic, in an open letter to Julian Harris, of Georgia, and by the 
endorsement of the sentiment by the National Convention of the Progressive party because Col 
Roosevelt insisted upon its adoption, that the Progressive pary is a White Man's party, in 
which a black man has no rights that a white man is bound to respect. — New York Age. 

Most Treacherous Act in American Politics 
The wholesale and drastic denunciation of the Colored men of the South in politics by 
Theodore Roosevelt when he finally could not use them is not only a most damaging act, but 
one of the most treacherous and contemptible in the annals of American politics. Colored 
Americans cannot trust so revengeful and treacherous a man. The denunciation is an act 
of hostility to the whole race. Let us all resenl it. — Boston Guardian. 

Afro-Americans Ruthlessly Barred. 
Colored men are ruthlessly barred from the councils of the party. The declaration that the 
colored man is to be given recognition is a poor and transparent makeshift. How can this recog- 
nition come except by a process of favortism on the part of the white voter is hard even to be 
imagined. — The Reformer, Durham, N. C. 

Roosevelt Seeking Cheap Popularity. 

The colored brother that can find any consolation in Col. Roosevelt's "confession of faith," is 

indeed far sighted. To our mind the Colonel is seeking cheap popularity in his line up against 

the race, but he will find on election day that the southern white people are not as changeable as 

he, and that he has not received an electoral vote from this section.— The Reporter, Staunton, Va. 

Colored Men "Must Go Away Back and Sit Down." 
The Negroes of the South have been practically eliminated from future conventions of the 
progressive party, for "hull moose" Roosevelt has said that "They must go away back and sit 
down" as he would not let Negro delegates from the South sit in his progressive convention. — 
The Citizen, Spokane, Washington. 

Roosevelt's Recall Down in Georgia. 
At present the progressive idea is rampant. The "initiative., referendum and recall" 
are words often spoken by the politicians and being used to tickle the ear of many, especially 
the thoughtless. The recall of it was beautifully illustrated in Columbus, Ga., on Tuesday when 
a mob entered the court house, took a sma'll colored boy from the officers after he was 
sentenced to imprisonment by the judge and lynched him. The mob was displeased at the 
decision of the judge, therefore the same was recalled. — Savannah, (Ga.) Tribune. 

Lincoln's Prophecy Fulfilled. 
Fifty or more years ago Abraham Lincoln issued a warning that will fit into the situation 
of to-day, and this is what he said: "A man with great genius and ambition will arise whose 
chief aim will be distinction. He will push his ambition to its farthest stretch. He may use 
his ambition for good, but he may attempt to tear down the republic. The people should be on 
their guard against him." No truer prophecy was ever made. The time and the man are at 
hand, and Lincoln's warning to the people to be on their guard against him should ring from 
every housetop before it is too late. — The Topeka (Kan.) Plaindealer. 

Colored Men Not Wanted. 
The attitude of the National Progressive party toward the Negroes of the South in a 
measure proves this. We tried to advise the colored men here to stand still and wait until they 
found out whether they were wanted before they went too far, but it seemed that they were 
bent on "butting in" were told that they were not wanted. — Interstate Reporter, Helena, Ark. 

Colored Men Given the Marble Heart. 
Colonel Roosevelt has ordered it that his new party shall be a white man's party. Conse- 
quently, Negro would-be Moosers from the South were given the marble heart at the national 
convention in Chicago this week. With both the Democratic and Progressive parties opposing 
him, ther remains nothing for the Negro to do but to support Mr. Taft. — Recorder, Seely, Texas. 

Fraught With Too Much Danger. 
It would be risking a chance fraught with too much danger to American industries and 
our sacred institutions for the American people to swing away from the Republican party to a 
new, inexperienced, untried organization, such as the Progressive party sets itself to be. There 
is too much involved to do such a thing at this time and under the circumstances. The 
American people have made their greatest strides forward in the last fifty years, and it has 
been the Republican party to which they have looked and on which they have depended for 
wise legislation, for wholesome laws and 'for protection to all of their large, varied commercial, 
industrial and other interests. — The Western Star, Houston and Dallas, Texas. 

Stream Can Not Rise Higher Than Source. 

It is claimed that a stream can rise no higher than its source; therefore, it is doubtful 

whether the enthused delegates in the Progressive convention will ever rife any higher than 

i'S source— Colonel Theodore Roosevelt. Thus it is evident from the very beginning that one 

r.eed not hope to find evidences of honesty in politics from his new party.— Philadelphia Tribune. 

How Do They Feel Now. 
How do the Negroes who have been yelling themselves hoarse for Teddy feel about their idol 
now? — Lexington Weekly News. 



Rev. Reverdy C. Ransom on His Former Friend, Theodore Roosevelt, at Anti- 
Roosevelt Meeting at Bethel A. M. E. Church, New York City. 

"When Col. Roosevelt's Convention adjourned, I felt like one feels when he is returning 
from the cemetery after having buried a cherished friend. For had he not buried there our 
hopes, which he had raised so high, acting both as executioner, undertaker and officiating priest?" 

"His promises are as unstable as water; his covenant with the people is a mask for 
personal ambition; his doctrines are used as beautiful traps to catch the noble, earnest and 
inspiring, but unsuspecting. He would make the Constitution easy of amendment, while openly 
advocating the nullification of the Fifteenth Amendment. He has proven faithless and the 
fight is on." 

"I can truthfully say that this action by Col. Roosevelt has caused me more pain and 
deep sorrow of heart than I have ever felt over the most revolting public outrage. When 
Col. Roosevelt struck the death knell to our hopes it dazed me like the stupefying stroke of 
a brutal blow. All through his Chicago convention I hoped against hope, that wise and 
righteous counsel would prevail." 

"I joined the large and representative body of colored men who went to the Republican 
National Convention to work for Roosevelt's nomination because I believed that his 'square 
deal,' his 'door of hope,' his 'all men up and not some down,' and the other catch phrases 
in his verbal repertoire were honestly meant to apply to black men as well as white. We were 
not disturbed by the third term outcry against him. What we want is just and equal treat- 
ment in this nation." 

"There is no need for Mr. Roosevelt's party in the South to exclude the Negro from 
politics and let 'the best white people' rule. The Democratic party has been attending to that 
business quite effectively for more than thirty years. There are no other white people in the 
South to whom he can appeal than these same white people who have already eliminated the 
Negro from politics. Will changing their party affiliations change their character? Or did 
they experience a change of heart at his Chicago convention? Did they all 'come through' 
when his convention adjourned with a shout, and have they received the spirit of brotherhood 
since they believed?" 

"Mr. Roosevelt would have us believe that he is following in the footsteps of Lincoln. 
Let us see: Lincoln emancipated us from physical slavery and invoked upon his act the 
blessing of Almighty God and the considerate judgment of mankind. Roosevelt has delivered 
us into political slavery, and invokes upon his act the consideration of Mr. Julian Harris, 
the division of the Southern white vote and the patient subjection of the Negroes to their 
political thraldom. When Lincoln would save the nation, he armed the Negro to fight for 
the preservation of the Union and for his own freedom. When Roosevelt would save the 
nation from the foes that he declares threaten its destruction, he would disarm the Negro 
of the ballot, the only effective weapon with which he may fight either for the salvation of his 
country or his own protection. Lincoln, as a man of Southern lineage, knew that the South. 
left to itself, would never emancipate the slaves and resisted the extension of the borders of 
slavery; Roosevelt, as a man of Southern lineage, knows the South, left to itself, will never 
voluntarily put the ballot in the Negroes' hands and will seek everywhere his exclusion from 
participation in the Government, yet he proclaims the one and invites the other." 

"Mr. Roosevelt neither created nor inspired the movement which in this country he 
assumes to direct and control as his own personal property, subject to the exigencies of his 
personal fortunes. This new sense of humanity, of human relations in organized society; 
this movement for industrial, social and political justice, is manifesting itself in England and 
on the Continent of Europe, under the leadership of men and women whose wisdom, singleness 
of purpose and uncompromising devotion to their ideals he would do well to imitate. Here 
is a new party which proclaims 'the right of the people to rule;' which proposes to devote 
itself to the cause of political and social justice. Yet, when it comes to deal with the 
Negroes, the people who suffer most from oppression, the people whose men, women and children 
are the most defenseless victims and the greatest sufferers from social and political injustice, 
Col. Roosevelt, the chief and leader of the herd, lifts his head, waves his antlers high in the 
air, and sounds the call, and the 'Bull Moose Party' runs amuck on the Negro question. 
Col. Theodore Roosevelt has no more right to take great truths for which noble men and women 
have toiled and suffered and seek to make their realization of local application, than he has 
to suspend the operation of the Ten Commandments toward a given class." 

"Mr. Roosevelt would assure us that he is not discriminating against us as a race, from 
the fact that Northern Negroes will not be excluded from the councils of his partv, that is 
to say, the Negro may join his party in those States where he may still exercise * the right 
to vote. But the Southern Negro must be excluded because he is "'venal,' 'the tool of un- 
scruplous white men,' etc. Mr. Roosevelt has had enough dealings with colored men to know, 
as he does know, that the Northern Negro is not one whit better than the Southern Negro, 
either in patriotism, character, wealth or intelligence. If Maryland, West Virginia or Missouri 
should enact a disfranchising law, then, according to Roosevelt, the Negroes in those States 
arc to be excluded from his party. If Mr. Roosevelt thinks that self-respecting Negroes will 
submit to this monstrous outrage, let me remind him that there are millions in our race who 
still possess the same fighting spirit and courage that saved his ungrateful life when he was 
a soldier in Cuba. Would the leader of 'any party in Great Britian dare make such a proposal 
to the Irish? If Theodore Roosevelt came from the Holy Hill of Zion instead of Sagamore Hill, 
he would still know that he was a deceiver masquerading in the garments of a saint of 
light, and spurning his proposals, we would refuse to follow him." 



The Evening Post a Great New York Daily Newspaper Shows the Hypi- 
crisy and Duplicity of the Colonel in Dealing With the Afro-American. 

(From the Issue of August 8) 

Mr. Roosevelt had his way m Chicago. Despite the protests of -lane Addams and many 
others, the party of "progress, 1 ' which bates its hopes for succes on its programme of social 
justice, committed the injustice of throwing out the negro delegates from the South, declaring I 
for a "lily-white" policy there, and adopted its platform without a single reference of any kind | 
to the colored man. The terrible injustice done Inn the country over; the denial of civic 
and political rights guaranteed to him; his practically complete disfranchisement in the South — j 
ail of these things were forgotten because the apostle of justice himself hopes, with wh*,t .tane 
Addams herself called "statesmanlike (?) policy," to break up the solid South. So the Negroes, I 
e\ r en those who worked for Roosevelt in the laft Convention, were flung aside — just as he would l 
fling aside any body or set of men when it served his purpose to do so. Ihe Jews, themselves) 
to whom he has toadied and whom he has flattered by high appointments, he would discard \ 
as readily as he has Mr. Taft, Mr. Root, and his other tried tn« nds and Cabinet associates, 
should there be political profit to be gained by taking an anti-Semitic position. If there is any ; 
one group of men and women in this country suffering from oppression, it is the colored I 
people; tut the party of social justice is to think only of wrongs done to whites! 

Undoubtedly, Mr. Roosevelt is certain that before the campaign is far along he will win i 
lack the disaffected negroes. 

Yet we cannot think this so likely this time; for there is increasing independence of thought I 
among the educated colored people and a growing realization of their latent political power. 

'ihat the whole episode will embitter the unhappy lot of the negroes of this country, let 
no one doubt. It is difficult for those who are enfranchised and socially free to realize how 
teirible the burden this race bears; how staggering the handicaps, and how helpless it is 
without the ballot to rectify its wrongs. Two recent happenings in the South are especially 

In Mooresville, N. C, a self-respecting colored carpenter bought real estate some years 
ago in a decent section of the city; when he began to build, his own house in it this spring the 
City Council passed an ordinance forbidding it. In Greensville, N. C, two brothers were 
prevented by a segregation ordinance from purchasing a $65,000 piece of property they had 
contracted for. The representatives of Anglo-Saxon culture who owned the property refused to 
return the $150 paid for the purchase-option on the ground that the brothers had broken 
their contract ! 

In Georgia, last June, Anne Bostwick, a negress who had been previously declared insane, 
killed the white woman who employed her. She was shot to death by a mob of white men, 
defenders of Anglo-Saxon superiority. It is, of course, impossible for the colored population 
to hold the officials responsible or to participate in the election of others who will uphold them 
in their constitutional rights as to the owning of property or guarantee them the protection 
of the law when accused of crime. They are helpless and hopeless, for they are without remedy. 
And the Progressive party, according to its leaders, says that, because there have been venal 
negro delegates at Republican conventions in the past (by whose votes he has hitherto been 
only too glad to profit), this oppressed race shall have no representatives in the party of 
social justice! 

A distinguished Russian professor, recently visiting in this country, on learning 
that ten millions of people suffer all the hardships of both the Russian peasant and the Russian 
Jew, exclaimed: "Heavens, how can they stand it?" The answer is that they must not 
stand it. Mr. Roosevelt's falsity to them will be of genuine value if it but stimulates them to 
further efforts in their own behalf, and strengthens their trowing determination to stand as 
a solid phalanx on behalf of their rights — life and liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. 

Hot Language from Texas. 
Roosevelt has played h — 1 with the Negro at the Bull Moose convention. The Colonel 
has betrayed us. He frankly entrusts the movement to the "best white men of the South." — 
Plaindealer, Palestine, Texas. 

What Will the Colored Mooseities Do. 
Now that the Bull Moose Convention is over and the colored man has been put in the 
back yard what will the colored Mooseites do? They didn't pull as they thought with the Big 
Moose. — Progress, Boley, Oklahoma. 

Roosevelt Swallows His Own Words. 
Behold the man who has posed as the Afro-American's best friend! The man who has 
addressed them in their churches and assured them that it was he who would give them a 
square deal. In his declaration he swallows his own words and repudiates his own past. We 
could not expect any more from the rankest Southern Democrat. We hope our brethren in 
the border States of the North — Maryland, West Virginia, Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana and 
any others where they hold the balance of power — will not assist Colonel Roosevelt in build- 
ing up a white man's Progressive party in the South and a black and white man's party 
in the north. Let him accept the Afro-American vote universally or not at all. — The Re- 
former, Richmond, Va. 

For Copies of This Pamphlet Apply to 


The Times Building Auditorium Hotel 

New York City. Chicago, 111. 





Afro- American and the Two Parties. . 10-11 

Afro- American Employees, Number. . . 13 

Afro- American Farm Demonstrators. . 27 

Afro- American Population of U. S. . . 28 

Afro-Americans at the White House. . 15 

Afro-Americans — Consular Service.... 16 

Afro-Americans' Debt to Party 15 

Afro- Americans — Diplomatic Service. . 16 

Afro- Americans in High Places 14 

Afro- Americans in Large Cities 28 

Afro-Americans in the Government. . 12 

Afro-Americans in United States. ... 29 

Afro- Americans, Rights of 47 

Alabama, Election Laws of 37 

Alexander, N. W., Portrait of 44 

Allensworth, Lt. Col., Portrait of 36 

Anderson, Charles W., Portrait of . . . . 26 

Assistant Attorney General 14 

Auditor for Navy Department 17 


Black Codes 56 

Booze, Mrs. Mary A., Portrait of . . . . 52 

"Brotherhood" by Wm. J. Bryan. ... 11 

Bureau of Education 24 

Bush, John E., Portrait of 52 


Charles Summer, Gem from 11 

Citizenship, Not Mistake to Give. ... 54 

Colored Delegates True to Taft 51 

Colored Men in Congress 51 

Colored Voters and Roosevelt 61 

Colored Race Has High Ideals 46 

Commission to Liberia 35 

Cottrill, Charles A., Portrait of 44 

Crum, William D., Portrait of 26 


DareDevil Menace 46 

Democratic Election Laws 37-39 

Democratic Promises Broken 9 

Democratic Sentiments 10 

Department of Agriculture 27 

Department of Justice 21 

Disfranchisement 40 


Education in Democratic South 3 

Education, Progress in 23 

Election Laws Democratic States.... 37-39 


Farmers' Cotton Production 33 

Farms of Colored Farmers 28 

Foreword 2 

Frederick Douglass on Lincoln 19 

Freedmen's Hospital 25 

Furniss, Henry W., Portrait of 20 


Georgia, Election Laws of 37 

Government Printing Office 34 

Grand Father Clause — Arkansas 39 


Hilles — Keynote of Campaign 9 

Hoke Smith Opposes Negro Police. ... 54 

Howard University 22 

Hostile Democrats in Congress 43 


Inspired by Lincoln's Tomb 11 

Interesting Facts 48 

Interesting Items 55 


Jim-Crow Cars 45 

Johnson, Henry L., Portrait of 20 



Lee, Joseph E., Portrait of 44 

Lewis, William H, Portrait of 20 

Library of Congress 40 

Louisiana, Election Laws of 38 

Lynch, Maj. John R., Portrait of.... 36 

Lynchings, Accounts of 42 


Males of Voting Age 30-32 

McKinlay, Whitefield, Portrait of 26 

Mississippi, Election Laws of 38 


Napier, J. C, Portrait of 20 

Newlands (Dem.) for White Vote.... 53 

North Carolina, Election Laws of.... 38 

Number of Afro- American Employees. . 13 


Patent Office v . . 29 

Peonage in the South 21 

Pinchback, P. B. S., Portrait of 52 

Post Office Department 29 

President's Sacred Function 45 

President Taft, Gems from 10 


Race Segregation 42 

Recorder of Deeds 25 

Register of the Treasury 16 

Republican Answers Roddenbery. ... 50 

Republican Party and Afro-American 3 

Republican Party for Law and Order. 41 

Republican Platform — Extracts 8 

Republican Sentiments 10 

Roddenbery' s Vile Speech 49 

Roosevelt and Colored Voters 61 

Roosevelt Changes Views 53 

Roosevelt's Hostility to Race 57-62 

Roosevelt Repudiated 59-62 


Sanders, Mingo, Appointment of.... 25 

Scott, Emmett, J., Portrait of 52 

Senator, First Afro-American 51 

Sherman, James Schoolcraft 7 

Sherman, Vice-President, Portrait.... 6 

Smalls, Robert, Portrait of 26 

South Carolina, Election Laws of . . . . 38 


Taft, President, an Appreciation .... 2 

Taft, . President, Portrait of 4 

Taft's Acceptance Speech-Extracts.... 4 

Taft's Address to Political League. . 47 

Taft Administration Wins 54 

Taft Approves Howard University. . 22 

Taft Advocates Rope for Lynchers. ... 41 

Taft Denounces Mob Law 47 

Taft Favors Equality of Opportunity. . 46 

Taft for Constitution as it is 4 

Taft Gives Mingo Sanders Place. ... 25 

Taft Lauds Higher Education 22 

Taft Lauds High Ideals of Race 46 

Taft Opposes Disfranchisement 40 

Taft's Sympathy for Race 27 

Terrell, Robert H., Portrait of 64 

The Real Roosevelt 61 

The Open Door — Cartoon 64 

Tillman's Talk — The Colored Voter. . 11-58 

Treasury Department 16 

Treasury Notes 18 

Tyler, R. W., Portrait of 44 


Unfriendly Democratic Attitude 53 

United States Army 19 


Vardman Approves Lynching 11 

Virginia, Election Laws of 39 


Wickersham Wins Fight for Lewis. . 54 

Wright, Herbert R., Portrait of.... 36 


1 ' I cannot consent to take the position that the door Of hope — the door of 
opportunity — is to be shut upon any man, no matter how worthy, purely upon the 
ground of race or color. "— THEODOEE EOOSEVELT. 


* ' It would be much worse than useless to try to build up the Progressive party in* 
these Southern States, where there is no real Eepublican party, by appealing to the 
Negroes or to the men who in the past have derived their sole standing from lead- 
ing and manipulating the Negroes."— THEODOEE EOOSEVELT. 



Adapted from the Philadelphia Ledger.